Twentieth Century Chronicle

Page 214

The difference between compromise and unification lies in the fact that the former means the Navy can at least find partners within the Army, which is the starting point for Tamura's private contact with Togo Masamichi. However, if it's the latter, it means that Tamura and Togo's contact has instead become the Navy seeking partners within the Army.

Today's meeting undoubtedly proves this point: the Navy is trying to win over Tamura to counter the Choshu faction, thereby correcting the Army's current stance on military expansion. After hearing Tamura's description, Asada knew that the Army had truly failed this time, misjudging the internal situation of the Navy and being led by the nose.

After thinking for a moment, he asked Tamura, "So what was your reply to them today?"

After a long silence, Tamura shook his head and said, "There was no reply. I said I needed to think about it further, so I took my leave. What do you think of Lieutenant Colonel Hayashi's explanation?"

After pondering for a while, Asada said, "If he could switch places with Togo, he would be a very good partner. Right now, his status is still too low."

Tamura looked at Asada, staring at him for a long while before saying, "You agree with Hayashi Shin-yi's view of the army?"

Asada looked directly at Tamura and said, "Although Lieutenant Colonel Hayashi is a bit arrogant, what he said is true. To be honest, the predecessor of the army was the Choshu Kiheitai, not the anti-shogunate coalition. During the Satsuma Rebellion, it was the Kiheitai that quelled the samurai rebellion. This is a fact, not a fabrication. If Ōmura-senpai hadn't died, then Yamagata Genro wouldn't have been called the father of the army. We all know very well that Yamagata Genro was merely a follower of the army-building path laid out by Ōmura-senpai. The only army-building concept that belonged to Yamagata Genro was, in essence, only the imperial army."

Does an army under the Emperor's system truly align with the visions of Takasugi and Ōmura regarding the construction of a national military? I doubt it. If the goal of building an army is the Emperor's personal military power, then where does the people fit in? If this continues, what difference is there between us and the 80,000 hatamoto (military officers) of the shogunate? The only difference is that the shogunate hatamoto are loyal to the shogun, while we are loyal to the Emperor. But in reality, neither the shogun nor the Emperor personally controls the army; ultimately, it is their appointed private officials who control the military. The ideal of protecting the nation becomes impossible; protecting the positions of these high-ranking officials becomes the army's mission. How can the army not become corrupt?

Tamura understood Asada's true feelings. Asada wasn't against the Emperor-led army system, but rather that under this system, the army couldn't be loyal to the Emperor at all. Instead, the army had to pledge allegiance to the military commander who represented the Emperor. Yamagata Aritomo became the unshakeable symbol of power in the army precisely because of his position.

For Ōmura Masujirō's supporters, Yamagata's dictatorial actions within the army contradicted Ōmura's vision of a national army, making the idea of ​​an imperial army unacceptable to them. Asada had previously concealed his true thoughts due to pressure from the military and the palace, but today, thanks to Hayashi Nobuyoshi's words, he finally seized the opportunity to reveal his true feelings.

Through Asada's confession, Tamura suddenly realized that Hayashi Shin-yi's remarks, which attempted to shake up the internal structure of the army, were not unfounded. The other party did indeed see the cracks within the army more clearly than he did and was trying to further destroy them.

Tamura couldn't help but sigh again, saying, "Now I understand why Saigo wanted to adopt Hayashi Shin'ichi. If such a person grows up, he will indeed be a great enemy of our army."

Asada was somewhat puzzled that Tamura was still considering the army's future adversaries at this point. He dismissively said, "Isn't the army's enemy internal factional struggles? If there weren't internal factional struggles, how could Hayashi Shinichi interfere in the army's internal affairs? I think you're overthinking it. Hayashi Shinichi is indeed talented, but I don't believe he could take action against a united army. Our primary concern right now is how to resolve the factional struggles within the army. For example, the Choshu faction mishandled the issue of troop reduction this time, and now they want to push you out to take the blame. Are you really going to take the fall?"

Tamura's attention was finally drawn to his own situation. As Asada said, the danger now was not the army but himself. If he could not get external help, he would not be able to bear the blame that the Choshu faction had thrown at him. Even if he could use the power grid construction plan to resettle retired officers and soldiers, he would still not be able to shirk the responsibility of accepting military downsizing.

Asada's warning to him was reasonable. It wasn't just his fault that he was being framed. After Kodama's death, the Choshu faction split, and he himself had become the protector of some. His loss of power meant that his subordinates also lost their future in the military, which was a heavy blow to those around him.

If it were merely a personal issue on his part, frankly speaking, even if he were to shoulder this blame and retire early, as a high-ranking army official who had served as both Chief of the General Staff and Minister of the Army, he wouldn't suffer any personal loss in terms of benefits. However, if it implicates his subordinates, it would be a severe blow to Tamura's reputation, and what influence he would have left in the army afterward.

This was a battle he had to face, not for personal honor, but for the future of those around him. Thinking of this, Tamura couldn't help but feel lost. This was the kind of factional struggle he didn't want to see—having to disregard the future of the larger group in order to defend his own faction's interests.

However, Tamura quickly realized that the Choshu faction was the first to ignore the future of the large group. As Hayashi Shin-yi said tonight, Yamagata and the Choshu faction have betrayed the army's aspirations, which is why they are so entangled in the issue of military downsizing. They can only satisfy the army's desires by expanding the military, but cannot unite people's hearts with ideals.

Although Tamura's late-night conversation with Asada failed to resolve Tamura's predicament, it did shake him and made him consider whether to fight against the Choshu faction. When he took over as Minister of the Army, he was able to stir up a wave of interest in the history of the army by using the development path of the army passed down to him by Hayashi Nobuyoshi.

Whether this trend can overthrow the Choshu faction's rule is uncertain, but it will certainly damage Yamagata Aritomo's prestige and weaken the Choshu faction's authority in the army. For Tamura, the only question is how much risk he is willing to take, since he can no longer expect any preferential treatment from Yamagata after the war begins.

While Tamura and Togo Masamichi were still carefully considering their options after their meeting, Yamamoto Gonnohyōe finally couldn't resist challenging the army. Prime Minister Yamamoto petitioned the Imperial Household Agency, requesting a meeting of senior retainers and ministers to discuss the army's downsizing. This was essentially a way to exert pressure on the army through the Imperial Household Agency, demanding an explanation from the army in the Emperor's name.

The navy had never dared to challenge the army so directly in the past, since the majority of the court favored the Choshu faction, and there weren't many people on the side of the Satsuma clique and the navy. Therefore, the navy's challenge shocked the army, because it meant that the conflict between the army and navy could no longer be resolved through negotiation between the two sides, but required the help of external forces.

Tamura, Katsura Taro, Yamagata Aritomo, and Oyama Iwao attended this imperial conference. Before attending, Tamura noticed Katsura and Yamagata Aritomo's dissatisfaction with the conference, believing that the army was being targeted by the navy. Oyama Iwao, as always, remained taciturn, only uttering a few words when Yamagata inquired, but his agreement with Yamagata clearly indicated that Oyama Iwao also felt dissatisfied with the conference.

The naval representatives attending the meeting were Yamamoto Gonnohyōe, Saitō Makoto, Kawahara Yoichi, and Ito Sukeyuki. The army and navy together accounted for more than a third of the attendees, indicating that the main participants in this meeting were the army and navy.

After listening to Hayashi Nobuyoshi's advice, Yamamoto Gonnohyōe discussed the matter with his trusted advisors and ultimately decided to respond strongly to the army's actions; otherwise, he could not expect to accomplish anything during his term as cabinet member. The longer the situation dragged on, the more the Imperial Court would tend to compromise, since it was impossible for the Imperial Court to stand on the front lines against the army in his place.

Faced with the Navy's emphasis at the meeting that military downsizing was for better concentrating resources on domestic development, Katsura Taro and Tamura from the Army naturally presented the view that national defense should not be taken lightly. Saito Makoto and Kawahara Yoichi also planned to discuss national defense and security with the Army, which was actually a rehash of old arguments from the Army-Navy consultation meeting. In any case, the Army and Navy each said their own thing, only stating their own reasons and not listening to the other side's reasons at all.

However, Yamamoto Gonnohyōe clearly did not intend for this meeting to turn into a wrangling session, so after listening to a few words of debate, he suddenly interrupted the army's speech and said: "The navy believes that the current risk of war in the world is concentrated in the European region, and after this major war, East Asia is unlikely to have any major war in the next ten to twenty years."

The Army keeps emphasizing national defense and security issues. The Navy simply can't understand it. Given this, the Navy is willing to guarantee that Japan's national defense and security will be the Navy's responsibility for the next ten years, without requiring the Army's involvement. So, can the Army accept military downsizing?

Yamamoto Gonnohyōe's words left Katsura Taro and Tamura speechless. They stared at him, dumbfounded, stammering and unsure what to say. Yamagata and Ōyama Iwao could no longer remain silent. Yamamoto Gonnohyōe's words were tantamount to accusing the army of being useless, which went beyond a normal debate between the army and navy, escalating the conflict to the level of an enemy-versus-ally struggle.

However, Yamagata and Ōyama's accusations against Yamamoto Gonnohyōe could only focus on the navy's attempt to monopolize military power, without discussing whether the navy was truly capable of shouldering the heavy responsibility of national defense. This was completely unconvincing to those at the meeting who supported military downsizing.

Chapter 696

Chapter 696

Yamamoto Gonnohyōe's direct confrontational approach still made Ito, Inoue, and other elder statesmen shake their heads in disapproval. In fact, the fact that this Imperial Conference was even convened already indicated that these elder statesmen and senior ministers had sided with the current cabinet and adopted a suppressive stance towards the army. Yamagata and Ōyama were well aware of this, so as long as the army was given a way out at this conference, the army would eventually be forced to accept the demand for military downsizing under pressure.

However, Yamamoto Gonnohyōe's claim that the navy would guarantee Japan's defense security for the next ten years was utterly disrespectful to the army, leaving no room for maneuver. It's no wonder that Yamagata and Ōyama were outraged. After the large-scale rebellions of the early Meiji era, political elders finally reached a consensus: political enemies should not be driven to the brink, otherwise, it would trigger a violent rebellion.

Clearly, Yamamoto Gonnohyōe, a military man who had spent his entire life within the navy, had no understanding of politics. Despite having gained widespread support, he showed no intention of leaving the army any room for maneuver, causing the meeting to spiral out of control. The original purpose of this meeting was simply to get the army to accept reality, not to force them to accept all the demands of the Yamamoto cabinet. This also contradicted the vision of veterans like Ito and Inoue, who needed to limit the power of the military, not the army and the Choshu faction.

Yamamoto Gonbei's remarks had already begun to damage the interests of veterans like Ito and Inoue who had originally supported him. So when Yamagata and Oyama were at a loss for words, Inoue Kaoru and Ito Hirobumi exchanged glances and stepped forward to defend Yamagata. He asked Yamamoto Gonbei, "Prime Minister Yamamoto said that the center of the world war in the next ten years will be in Europe, and Asia will enter a short period of peace. Therefore, Japan should take advantage of this time to develop its economy and prepare for the situation after the outcome of the war in Europe."

Then I have this question: Do the Chinese people agree with your assessment of the world situation? The key to peace in Asia lies in peace between Japan and China, but peace between Japan and China cannot be decided by Japan alone. If the Chinese people are unwilling to trust us, then peace in Asia is just a castle in the air, difficult to achieve.

If the Chinese consider Japan an enemy, then the army's view of national defense security is still worth considering…

While Inoue Genro's words were meant to relieve the army's predicament, he did indeed harbor such doubts. Although China did not have the ability to defeat the Japanese mainland in the short term, after all, China's naval power had not recovered since the Sino-Japanese War, while Japan had just defeated the Russian navy and become a maritime power comparable to the European powers. Therefore, China had lost the possibility of attacking the Japanese mainland.

However, China and Japan are now on a land border. After Japan occupied the Korean Peninsula, Japan and China had a reason to confront each other on the mainland. Although this war gave Japan complete control over the Korean Peninsula, the biggest beneficiary of this war was actually China, not Japan.

Before the war, no matter how Japan planned, it believed that it could not expel Russian forces from the Far East. However, based on China's experience, Russia had actually lost control of the Far East. Although the Republic of Chita was nominally a Slavic regime, it was truly hostile to St. Petersburg. For the Republic of Chita, the most important thing was not to compete with China for control of the Far East, but to overthrow the Tsarist government and become the ruling power of the Russian Empire.

Because of this mindset among the upper echelons of the Republic of Chita, the Republic of Chita, having lost vast swathes of land in the Far East, actually maintained close relations with China, even relying on Wuhan for logistical support for its armed forces. As a result, the land threat to China in the north was greatly reduced, while in the south, the Tibetan War sparked a surge in Indian independence sentiment, ultimately depriving the British Indian government of its ability to expand into surrounding areas.

The British Indian government was now focused primarily on maintaining its rule in India, preventing German influence from entering the Indian subcontinent, and preserving the front lines with Russia in the struggles for control of Persia and Afghanistan. Its expansionist ambitions in the East had completely ceased. Clearly, the British had realized that confronting this vast, dominant ethnic group in the East was simply a problem that the colonial government of British India was incapable of handling.

Compared to the weak Chinese government, the Chinese people were Britain's most unpredictable adversary. If this weak government had not restrained the martial spirit of the people, even a small number of them, once they opened their eyes to the trends of the world, could have launched a national independence movement that the British found difficult to deal with in their colonies.

Unlike the adversaries Britain has faced around the world over the past few centuries, China's dominant ethnic group is enormous, with hundreds of millions speaking the same language, using the same script, and receiving the same cultural education—a unique situation globally. Even though the Ottoman Empire gained control of vast territories in Asia, Africa, and Latin America through Islam, the people living in these regions did not share a common language, culture, or even a unified official system.

As for India, although its population is second only to China, twenty years ago India was just a geographical concept. It was the oppression of Indians by the British Empire that made the people on this vast continent begin to identify with the concept of Indians. But even so, Muslims and religious believers in various parts of India still have historical grievances.

Only China, this vast Eastern nation of 450 million people, where both north and south adhere to Confucius, use a written language passed down from thousands of years ago, and regard historical figures as their ancestors, not merely as ancient figures. This is unimaginable in European countries. Even the French, who are extremely confident in their national culture, do not extend their reverence for French historical figures beyond the Napoleonic era. For the French, historical figures before Napoleon are simply historical figures, without any perceived blood connection to them.

Even those French noble families who readily trace their lineage back to the time of Charlemagne are merely embellishing their family histories. The French know that during the French Revolution, the true nobles were all beheaded, and how many of today's nobles still possess genuine noble blood remains a true mystery.

The Boxer Rebellion and the Tibetan War made the British realize that even Chinese people not mobilized by nationalism could form a powerful and destructive mass force under foreign oppression. And once this force came under the control of certain intelligent individuals, even a negligible number could inflict incalculable losses on the British Empire.

The Tibetan War was actually a greater blow to the British Empire than the Boer War. After all, the Boer War was fought against the descendants of Europeans in the colonies. It was a war in which European whites used colored troops from the colonies to fight a devastating war against a white aborigine regime in South Africa. Although the British Empire's reputation was damaged, in terms of race, it actually proved the assertion that white people were indeed superior to colored people. This is because the British army, although large, was almost entirely composed of colored people, while the Boers, though weak, were mostly white.

The Tibetan War shattered the theory of white superiority. Regardless of how the British Empire defended itself, the captured British generals proved that the Chinese were indeed superior to whites on the battlefield. This superiority was not only in bravery in small battles, but also in commanding large-scale wars, where white generals were outmatched.

Unlike the Russian defeat in the Russo-Japanese War, where Europeans could exclude Russians from the European sphere to offset the negative perception of white superiority stemming from the Russian Empire's defeats in the wars against Japan and China, the British could not exclude their generals and home troops from the ranks of Europeans in the Anglo-Chinese War in Tibet.

Therefore, the British had to admit that the Chinese were no different from the whites in terms of intelligence, and they commented that Lin Feng, who commanded the Chinese expeditionary force, was the Hannibal of this era. Although Hannibal was a recognized military genius in the West, Carthage, to which he belonged, was not the center of the civilized world. Rome was the center of world civilization. Even if Hannibal defeated Rome, it did not mean that Carthage had surpassed Rome.

The British compared Lin Feng to Carthage, praising his military prowess, but their true intention was to portray the British Empire as a modern-day Rome, which would ultimately triumph over any challenger and perish only from internal strife. In this respect, the British assessment of Lin Feng and his troops was quite deliberate.

Regardless of how the British managed to smooth things over in terms of public opinion, the British Indian government's expansionist activities in the East were ultimately contained. China's situation, which had deteriorated after the Sino-Japanese War and the invasion of the Eight-Nation Alliance, was rapidly improving. The army's primary concern for national defense was China, because the army considered a resurgent China more dangerous than the Russian Empire expanding its influence in the Far East. After all, the Russian Empire had little traditional influence in the East and, like Japan, was a contender for hegemony in the Far East, while China had ruled this continent for over a thousand years. A resurgent China would hardly need to exert any effort to rule the Eastern continent.

The Japanese political establishment does have supporters for the army's position. After all, the current Meiji government is based on the theory of opening the country to the outside world, and the opening of the country during the Meiji era was essentially about learning from the Western colonial empire model. Therefore, the Japanese political establishment and the army share a great deal of common ground in terms of foreign expansion. For these political elites who have learned from the West, Japan needs an overseas colony to provide resources and markets if it wants to become strong. This mindset is deeply ingrained.

Their support for Chiba Prefecture's industrial development plan stemmed from their interest in Japan's industrial development and subsequent dumping of industrial goods into China and India. However, these political elites did not abandon their idea of ​​conquering China and India by force, because in the world history they had learned, this trade model could not be sustained in the long term without military protection.

Therefore, Inoue Kaoru believed that China might not accept the Sino-Japanese peace model. After all, once China begins its resurgence, it will not tolerate Japan's occupation of the Korean Peninsula, coastal areas, and control of East Asian maritime power. Thus, strengthening military capabilities is necessary to prevent conflict between China and Japan, although this strengthening should not be done now. This was Inoue Kaoru's view.

However, Yamamoto Gonnohyōe clearly did not understand Inoue Genryū's implication. He confidently replied to Inoue Genryū: "The Chinese also have expectations for peace between Japan and China. The president of Kawasaki Shipbuilding went to Wuhan, China, to discuss the development of heavy industry between Japan and China, and received positive responses from the Chinese and Indians."

I received a telegram from President Matsukata stating that the Chinese and Indians have decided to invite Japanese businesses to join the Asian Coal and Steel Consortium. The aim of this project is to dismantle steel production capacity from the United States and then, relying on Chinese coal and Indian iron ore, establish the foundation for Asian industrialization.

For Japan, after defeating Russia, the United States has effectively become its future competitor in the Pacific. Since the beginning of this century, the US steel production capacity has exceeded 20 million tons, while my country's is less than 2000 tons. If a conflict were to occur between the US and Japan in the Pacific, Japan would inevitably be crippled by the US's steel production capacity.

Therefore, we should try every possible method to weaken American industrial power during peacetime. The fact that the Chinese and Indians have taken advantage of the financial crisis in the US to target the American steel industry presents a significant opportunity for us. We must do everything possible to reduce American steel production capacity, thereby narrowing the gap in industrial strength between our country and the United States.

If we miss this opportunity now, and the US economy begins to recover, this US steel production capacity will further boost US power, widening the gap in national strength between Japan and the US. The confrontation between Japan and the US in the Pacific will see Japan increasingly losing ground with the completion of the Panama Canal. We might not even be able to guarantee that US influence won't penetrate deeper into East Asia, especially since the US already occupies Luzon, the most developed island in the region.

Compared to China, if we lose a confrontation with China, we would only have to withdraw from the mainland, but at least we could preserve our naval power. However, if we lose in competition with the United States, what will Japan have left after losing its naval power? Does the army expect Japan to conquer the mainland while simultaneously fighting the United States at sea? If so, Japan should consider relocating its citizens to the mainland and abandoning the archipelago.”

Inoue was initially dissatisfied with Yamamoto Gonnohyōe's reply. He had already given Yamamoto face, telling him not to push the army too hard to avoid a rupture at the top. However, Inoue remained silent after Yamamoto brought up the idea of ​​a Japan-US confrontation.

Inoue was a supporter of the Japan-US alliance, and his motivation for supporting the alliance was to ensure Japan's maritime security. In Inoue's view, Yamamoto Gonnohyōe's theory of Japan-US confrontation was not unfounded. After all, the US had shown an aggressive expansionist stance on issues like Hawaii and the Philippine Islands. If the US economic center hadn't been located along the Atlantic coast, and if travel between the Atlantic and Pacific hadn't been so difficult, the pressure the US exerted on Japan in the Pacific would have been far greater.

In fact, apart from the conflict between Japan and the United States where Japan forced the United States to hand over Mindanao through the Panama Canal project, Japan has consistently been the losing party in all other conflicts. Furthermore, Japan's acquisition of Mindanao was not due to its naval power forcing concessions from the Americans, but rather to its naval diplomacy, which compelled the Americans to relinquish Mindanao voluntarily.

Therefore, Yamamoto Gonnohyōe's assessment of the Americans was correct in at least one aspect: the power gap between Japan and the United States was too large, leaving Japan with virtually no bargaining power. If Yamamoto's advocacy of East Asian peace was aimed at uniting China and India to weaken American industrial power, then his hardline stance becomes understandable.

In other words, Yamamoto Gonnohyōe's gradual pressure on the Army at this time was not due to any old grudges between the Army and the Navy, but rather to the differences between the Army and the Navy in defense policy. The Navy believed that Japan's primary enemy in the future was the United States. In order to counter this major enemy, the Navy demanded reconciliation between Japan and China and the weakening of the United States' national power. The Navy also pushed this idea into specific policies. At this time, Yamamoto Gonnohyōe represented not only his own will or that of his faction, but the will of the Navy as a whole.

Even though Inoue, as the leader of the Choshu faction, did not want the faction's power to be weakened, he was unwilling to continue confronting Yamamoto. Just as Inoue tried to get Yamamoto to give Yamagata some face, Inoue himself was unwilling to engage in a direct conflict with the Navy, because that would be tantamount to taking sides on the defense policies of the Army and Navy, a huge risk. Inoue was unwilling to easily state his position before he understood the movements of others.

Hirobumi Ito was also shocked. He subconsciously looked at Masayoshi Matsukata and asked, "President Matsukata of Kawasaki Shipyard, isn't that Lord Matsukata's second son? Lord Matsukata, are you aware of this matter? I mean the matter of jointly accepting American steel production capacity with China and India."

Matsukata Masayoshi was actually unaware of the situation. He only knew that his son had gone to China and Wuhan to discuss the supply of coal, iron ore, and markets from China. He had only just heard about the matter of taking over American steel production capacity. However, under Ito Hirobumi's persistent questioning, he dared not deny it, because that would be tantamount to stating that his position was not aligned with the Navy, which clearly went against the general direction of the Satsuma clique's alliance.

Matsukata Masayoshi could only vaguely state that he was aware of the situation, but hadn't been very certain beforehand, which was why he hadn't disclosed it. Ito Hirobumi then pressed Yamamoto Gonnohyōe, asking, "So, how much of America's steel production capacity will this tripartite cooperation reduce?"

Yamamoto Gonnohyōe thought for a moment and said, "According to the letters of intent already signed between the Chinese, Indians, and the American steel industry, it will be between 200 million and 230 million tons, which is about one-tenth of the US steel production capacity..."

Chapter 697

Chapter 697

When Yamamoto Gonnohyōe proposed a three-way cooperation to take over the steel production capacity dismantled by the United States, Ito Hirobumi finally understood the source of Yamamoto's confidence in confronting the army head-on.

Although the majority of Japan's upper echelons currently support the idea of ​​opening the country, their objectives are not entirely aligned. Some adhere to a policy of appeasement, believing that Japan can never become a great power and that maintaining Japan's security is sufficient. They argue that this security requires good relations with the most powerful external civilization—this is the appeasement-oriented view of opening the country.

Some people genuinely admire the advancements of Western civilization and attempt to transform Japan into a Western-style nation, which is actually quite close to the idea of ​​subservience to the West. The last type is conservatives who opened the country out of necessity, believing that Japan's traditions are good, but its technology is inferior to that of the West. Therefore, the purpose of opening the country is to learn Western technology in order to defend Japan's traditional culture.

Of the three positions of those who advocated opening the country to the world, at least two set Japan against the West. As for the remaining minority, although they believed that Western civilization would accept a completely Westernized Japan, such naive claims could not gain mainstream social acceptance.

This declaration of war against Russia demonstrates that the Japanese upper class's advocacy of "leaving Asia and joining Europe" is not a complete surrender to Western civilization, but rather an insistence that Japan act in accordance with Western methods. War is the most common method Western civilization uses to resolve international conflicts. Therefore, Yamamoto Gonnohyōe's statement that the navy's defense policy is to defend against the United States is actually more convincing than Yamagata's assertion that the enemy on the mainland is China or Russia.

However, the choice of China, Russia, or the United States as Japan's next enemy does not entirely depend on their own strength and the threat they pose to Japan. It also requires consideration of the interests of various parties within Japan.

The Army argued that China and Russia were Japan's next enemies. Most of the Army's supporters had interests on the Korean Peninsula and hoped to expand these interests to the entire East Asian continent. While the Navy's interests in the South Pacific had some supporters, they were not many.

The reason for this difference lies in the proximity of the Korean Peninsula to the Japanese mainland, which gave Japanese investors a false sense of security. While Japan occupied Mindanao, even under Spanish rule, the island remained largely undeveloped. This is why the Americans were willing to hand it over to Japan; they believed that relinquishing the island would reduce insurgency among the Filipino natives. The natives' wariness of outsiders, coupled with the presence of European powers dominating the islands of Southeast Asia, resulted in very few Japanese investing in the region.

Based on practical interests, the Japanese naturally believed that Japan's primary expansion target should be the mainland adjacent to its homeland. Only after Japan occupied this mainland would it have the strength to compete with other powers for the islands in the South Pacific in the future.

Especially after this great war, compared to the vast amount of intelligence held by the upper echelons, ordinary people had almost no access to comprehensive information. Therefore, the general public believed that Japan, having defeated Russia, had become the leading power in East Asia, which made the continental expansion policy even less of an obstacle.

However, the Japanese leadership is well aware that the situation in China is undergoing tremendous changes. What was previously thought to be a continuously declining China is now showing signs of reversal. Therefore, the obstacles to the expansionist policy on the mainland have not diminished, but rather intensified. This is why the East Asian peace theory has gained considerable support among the upper echelons.

However, if it is just a comparison like this, given the important position of the army in Japanese politics, no one will directly clash with the army. After all, Japan does not have a clear and feasible roadmap for either continental expansion or maritime expansion. Right now, everyone is just preparing and waiting for the right opportunity. It would be too unwise to fight the army head-on for an uncertain future.

However, Yamamoto Gonnohyōe's proposal at today's Imperial Conference for a tripartite cooperation to take over the steel production capacity dismantled by the United States effectively outlines a concrete path for competing with the United States and promoting a policy of maritime expansion. Compared to the army, which merely shouts slogans about increasing armaments and waiting for an opportunity to implement its continental expansion plan, the navy has at least taken a significant step forward.

As one of the most industrially-minded elites in Japan, Hirobumi Ito was well aware of what a one-tenth reduction in U.S. steel production capacity would mean. He advocated for Japan-U.S. friendship, but this friendship was based on the fact that the United States was far more powerful than Japan. It was not that Japan wanted to gain the friendship of the United States, but rather that Japan had no choice but to gain the friendship of the United States in order to survive.

The Anglo-Japanese Alliance was aimed at the United States. Hirobumi Ito once opposed the alliance, believing that Japan had no strength to intervene in the conflict between Britain and the United States, since Japan's crude steel production capacity was less than one percent of that of the United States.

This alliance would inevitably shift America’s attention from the Atlantic to the Pacific, because Japan was far too weak compared to Britain, and the best way to break the Anglo-Japanese Alliance’s blockade was to defeat Japan.

Even Ito Hirobumi admired the Navy's imagination at this moment. He also realized that Lin Xinyi had actually kept some of his thoughts from him. At least, Lin Xinyi had not mentioned this plan of the three countries cooperating to take over the US steel production capacity.

Ito didn't believe that anyone else in the navy would have such a bold idea. Moreover, Yamamoto Gonnohyōe had just said that Japan was a latecomer. The Chinese and Indians had already held multiple consultations with the American steel industry and had basically established a framework. Japan was just participating to get a share of the pie.

Based on this calculation, the Indians and Chinese must have made contact and developed this plan while Lin Xinyi was in India, so Lin Xinyi must have made a contribution to it.

However, at this moment, Ito Hirobumi didn't have time to analyze Lin Xinyi's motives. He simply asked Yamamoto Gonnohyōe about the veracity of the case, "You said that the Chinese, Indians, and Americans have agreed to transfer more than 200 million tons of steel production capacity. Where did they get the funds? Would the Americans agree to such a large-scale transfer of steel production capacity? The American economy can't be that bad, can it?"

Yamagata frowned and looked at Ito. What he needed at this moment was Ito's unconditional support, not to ask these trivial questions. But seeing that Inoue and the others were agreeing with Ito, he finally kept quiet and didn't change the subject.

However, since Yamamoto Gonnohyōe had put forward this plan, he must have confirmed it. He replied calmly: "The funds mainly come from two sources. One part comes from British investment funds in India. The condition for the ceasefire between the three northern states of India and the British Indian government is that India must help India develop its industry to solve the problem of food and clothing for its people. The other part comes from German capital financing China."

Of course, even with the investment from the UK and Germany, the funding gap for this project is still considerable, which is why Japan had the opportunity to join.

As for the Americans' stance on the project, it is said that there is very little opposition. This is because the past thirty years have been a period of great development for the American steel industry. However, with the completion of the national railway network, the American steel production capacity has exceeded the needs of the American market. The current financial crisis has had a great impact on the American debt market, and the American steel industry is a key industry that uses overseas financing.

Overseas creditors holding a large amount of bonds in the U.S. steel industry are not optimistic about its future. They believe that even if the U.S. economy recovers, the U.S. steel industry will not be able to return to its former glory. Therefore, the demand for steel mills to sell assets to repay debts has become the mainstream among overseas creditors. It is said that the British have played a significant role in this, which should also be a plan for Britain to weaken the power of the United States.

In addition, in East Asia, it takes about $150-$200 to build one ton of steel production capacity. However, in the United States, the investment for one ton of steel production capacity should be between $80 and $90. Including the cost of dismantling and transporting the steel to Eastern ports, the average price of one ton of steel production capacity should be between $50 and $60. After completion, the price per ton should not exceed $80 or $90. This means that taking over the US steel production capacity can save half the cost compared to building new steel production capacity.

Although much of the abandoned U.S. steel production capacity was technologically outdated, these less advanced technologies were actually easier for Eastern countries to adopt because they significantly reduced the cost of training skilled workers.

Based on the above information, it can be concluded that the project is real and credible, and this opportunity is rare. If it weren't for the economic crisis in the United States, if the British creditors weren't eager to recoup their funds, and if the British government hadn't intentionally used this opportunity to suppress the economic power of the United States, then this opportunity would not have occurred.

To ensure the project's success and to weaken American power as much as possible, we must reach a reconciliation with China to quickly integrate the strengths of the three countries and advance the project. If we miss this window of opportunity, the Americans will not allow us to dismantle their steel production capacity to strengthen our nation's industrial power.

After listening, Ito Hirobumi pondered for a moment and knew that what Yamamoto Gonnohyōe said was true. Once the US economy began to improve, the US government would not allow such a large-scale transfer of steel production capacity. Even leaving these steel plants idle would be better than demolishing them directly. After all, it would only take a few months for an idle steel plant to resume production, while rebuilding a steel plant would take several years.

In other words, the US economy is indeed on the verge of bankruptcy, and in order to maintain the creditworthiness of US debt, Americans have no choice but to accept such projects. This makes Ito's choice between the army and the navy immediately clear.

Supporting the army not only brings no benefits, but also requires investing a lot of resources to strengthen an already powerful army. Supporting the navy, on the other hand, not only allows resources to be focused on economic development, but also provides an opportunity to weaken the United States' national power. For realists, there is no choice but to choose the navy.

Therefore, Ito abandoned his neutrality and directly advised the Emperor: "Your Majesty, I believe Prime Minister Yamamoto's proposal is correct. This situation is indeed a once-in-a-lifetime opportunity. If we can reduce the Americans' steel production capacity by one-tenth without war, and allow Japan to gain some of the steel production capacity lost by the United States, this will undoubtedly narrow the gap in national power between Japan and the United States. This is obviously of great significance for the competition between Japan and the United States in the Pacific. I humbly request Your Majesty to make a divine decision..."

Itō Hirobumi's so-called request for Emperor Meiji to make a divine decision was actually just a pretext.

Everyone present knew that the Imperial Conference was never a forum for the Emperor to make sacred decisions, but rather a process where the majority opinion at the conference was elevated to the Emperor's will. Of course, the Emperor would generally consider the balance of power between the two sides at the conference; the majority opinion would not necessarily become a sacred decision, and the minority but resolute opinions could not be ignored.

Today, however, the majority opinion is quite firm, and Yamamoto Gonnohyōe's determination has made it impossible for Emperor Meiji to consider the army's position.

After all, if the navy were to give up on forming a cabinet, and the army were unable to suppress the criticisms from various factions and establish a unified cabinet, then the emperor would have to bear the responsibility for the army's stubbornness, which was clearly unacceptable to Emperor Meiji.

Ito Hirobumi's statement effectively crushed Emperor Meiji's last bit of hesitation. At this point, it was better to ignore the army's opinion and obey the majority's decision. Therefore, Meiji nodded slightly and signaled to the Minister of the Interior and Chamberlain, Chotoku Daiji, who was actually representing him, to accept Ito Hirobumi's request. In other words, Meiji supported the opinion of the majority of the meeting, just as Ito Hirobumi had suggested.

Emperor Meiji immediately rose and left, giving Yamagata and Oyama no chance to speak or offer advice. The army suffered a complete defeat at this imperial conference. After the meeting, Yamagata, his face ashen, completely ignored Ito Hirobumi's greeting and left the palace with Oyama and the others.

After leaving the palace, Yamagata and the others went to the General Staff Headquarters building.

The General Staff Headquarters building is located on a hillside, making it the highest point near the Imperial Palace. Therefore, from the Chief of Staff's office, one can easily see the palace behind the palace walls, which is covered with green grass and pine trees in front of the palace. This palace was newly built during the Meiji era, so it looks very magnificent.

When Yamagata served as Chief of Staff, his favorite thing to do was to stand in his office and admire the view of the Imperial Palace. He also used this model of turning the view of the Imperial Palace into a garden for the General Staff Headquarters in the construction of his own villa.

However, when Yamagata looked at the scenery of the Imperial Palace today, he could no longer find that feeling of appreciation; instead, he was filled with anger.

Although Tamura was now the owner of the office, he felt like a menial servant in front of Yamagata, Oyama, and Katsura Taro. None of the three treated him as the owner of the office, which made him very embarrassed, so he remained silent.