Twentieth Century Chronicle

Page 175

However, I would suggest that you establish night schools. This would not only train the working class of the film studio but also provide local workers with learning opportunities. An uneducated working class cannot understand socialism. For those who excel, the foundation can provide scholarships to encourage further education and cultivate our future talent…”

Chapter 598

In summer, Chinzan is lush and green, with its original forests and large slopes transformed into Western-style lawns. Combined with naturally formed streams and artificial ponds, Chinzan-so has become a representative work of Meiji-era garden art, showcasing a new era's style compared to the temples and daimyo gardens of the old Edo period.

However, the newly appointed Chief of Staff of the General Staff, Tamura Iyozo, who came to visit Yamagata Aritomo, had no interest in appreciating the beautiful scenery of the mountain villa. He was engrossed in looking through a draft of a memorial that Yamagata had given him.

With the end of the war and the disbandment of the General Staff Headquarters, Yamagata Aritomo resigned from his position as Chief of the General Staff. Instead of letting Oyama Iwao succeed him, he chose Tamura Isozo, who had performed well in the war, to take over as Chief of the General Staff. In this way, the power transition within the Army was basically completed, and the second generation of Tamura Isozo and Terauchi Masatake officially became the new leaders of the Army.

Katsura Taro, as the second-generation leader of the Army, ended his first cabinet formation in a rollercoaster fashion, severely damaging his reputation. Although Yamagata did not shake his position as the second-generation leader, Katsura Taro could no longer openly preside over Army affairs. The rise of Terauchi and Tamura was, in effect, a move to sideline Katsura Taro's position in the Army.

At this time, Yamagata Aritomo had already focused his energy on cultivating the third generation of successors for the army and did not interfere much with Katsura Taro's situation. The draft memorial that Yamagata handed to Tamura at this time was his revision of the private proposal on the imperial defense policy submitted by Tanaka.

Tanaka Giichi was actually a subordinate whom Tamura had favored when he was the head of the Second Department of the General Staff. In order to make up for Tanaka's lack of study abroad experience, Tamura recommended Tanaka Giichi to serve as the military attaché in Russia, which made Tanaka one of the army's most knowledgeable people about Russia. This greatly enhanced Tanaka Giichi's status in the military, and as a result, he fell into the serious concern of Yamagata Aritomo.

Tamura Yoshiyuki knew that Yamagata showed him this draft memorial for two reasons: first, to gain his approval of the Imperial Defense Policy, and second, to encourage him to support Tanaka Giichi's training as the third-generation leader of the Army.

If Tamura hadn't met anyone more impressive, he felt that Tanaka Giichi was adequate as the third-generation leader of the army. Although Tanaka Giichi was somewhat too accommodating to Yamagata, and seemed to lack his own ideas on the big picture, at least Tanaka was able to maintain the status quo of the army.

But now, putting down the draft, Tamura looked up at Elder Yamagata and said seriously, "Lieutenant Colonel Tanaka can certainly be called a genius in leading troops, but he does lack a sense of the big picture. If I'm not mistaken, this draft seems to be a modification based on the Navy's two-faction theory, right?"

Yamagata hesitated for a moment before nodding and frankly admitting, "I asked Tanaka to revise the Imperial Defense Policy based on the opposing viewpoints of the two camps. However, before the Navy put forward the viewpoints of the two camps, Tanaka had already written a draft of the Imperial Defense Policy, most of which was Tanaka's own idea."

Tamura, however, remained unsparing, saying, "This is precisely the inconsistency in the policy. The 'Two Worlds' document for the Navy progresses layer by layer with a tight and logical structure, so we can immediately see that the latter half was deliberately omitted. But even so, the overall logic remains coherent. However, the 'Imperial Defense Policy' document has few connections between its arguments and evidence. Deleting most of its content wouldn't make any difference. This isn't an article meant to persuade people; it's issuing military orders. Don't think the Navy will find it hard to accept; I doubt the Imperial Household Agency, the Diet, and the public will understand the Army's defense policy either."

Yamagata agreed with Tamura's opinion on this point. He had even made a copy of the article "The Navy's Two Worlds" and kept it by his side to study it carefully, finding new insights each time he read it. However, he understood Tanaka's private defense policy proposal after just one reading, as it didn't offer much new information. It simply aligned with Tanaka's proposed strategy of a continental Japan, essentially focusing on how to compete with the great powers for control of China.

Tanaka's private case is very characteristic of military thinking, which reduces war to a conflict between two sides, ignoring third parties outside the war. In other words, war is a confrontation between two sides without third-party intervention. Therefore, Japan's defense strategy is to defeat its opponents one by one and eventually stand at the top of the world.

If before this war, the army was primarily concerned with the defense of the homeland, then after this war, the army completely shifted to an offensive strategy against the continent. This is the essence of the Tanaka Private Case. According to Tanaka, China, Russia, Germany, France, and Great Britain were all enemies of Japan, and in order to realize a continental Japan, these countries had to be defeated one after another.

The reason the United States was excluded from the list of hostile targets was because the US had not established a sphere of influence in China. Therefore, Tanaka believed that a conflict between the US and Japan over the continental issue would not lead to war. Even Yamagata felt that Tanaka's personal opinion was too radical, so he focused on revising the assessment of war with Britain, France, and Germany.

However, Yamagata was determined to acquire Central and Southern China. After all, he had said before the war that although Manchuria was Japan's interest, it was too desolate and Japan had no ability to develop the region. If Japan wanted to quickly acquire the wealth of the mainland and develop, it had to occupy the most densely populated and wealthiest regions of China, Central and Southern China.

If the goal was to gain control of Central and Southern China, then conflict with Britain, France, and Germany would be inevitable. Tanaka Giichi was merely following Yamagata Aritomo's wishes in formulating a war plan against Britain, France, and Germany, which could hardly be considered a personal arrogance.

Despite the vast difference in content between the two articles, Yamagata still couldn't correct the army's defense policy to cooperate with the navy. Putting aside the resulting change in the relationship between the army and navy, the mere fact that the "two worlds" theory blocked the continental policy and established an Asian alliance with the Japan-China alliance at its core meant that Japan could no longer continue its continental Japanism and would have to submit to the island imperialism proposed by the navy. How could this be acceptable?

Thinking of this, Yamagata sighed and asked, "As long as the army and navy can coordinate with each other, there won't be a big problem. As for the opinions of the people, the national defense policy doesn't need to be announced to the people."

Therefore, I intend to submit a memorial to the Emperor, requesting that he order the Army and Navy to negotiate their defense policy. Once the Emperor receives the memorial, he will surely send a letter to the Marshal's Office to inquire about it. We still hold the upper hand in the Marshal's Office, so the matter of the Army and Navy negotiating their defense policy can be settled.

The next step is simply to compromise with the navy during the negotiation process. As long as the navy can be forced to make some concessions, the military can at least superficially reach a consensus.

If we cannot establish a defense policy now, the longer we wait, the more disadvantageous that policy will become for the Army. If the Navy and the government reach an agreement, then the Army's continental policy will truly be doomed.

"While Tanaka's private defense policy proposal has many problems, could the Army possibly have a more suitable solution?"

Faced with Yamagata's questioning, Chief of Staff Tamura fell silent. He understood Yamagata's meaning, of course. The defense plan devised by the Navy based on the theory of two opposing worlds might be beneficial to Japan, but it would inevitably harm the interests of the Army. If the Army did not want to be led by the nose by the Navy, it had to come up with its own defense policy. Although the draft in front of him was not perfect, it met the Army's needs.

After much deliberation, Tamura finally spoke up, saying, "Perhaps we should first communicate privately with the Navy and have them discuss defense policy with us through the Emperor's order. The Navy might become dissatisfied, which might not be a good thing for the negotiations."

Yamagata shook his head and said, "Even without the theory of two opposing worlds, the Navy cannot possibly agree with the Army's proposed defense policy. My goal is not to get the Navy to agree with our defense policy, but to get the Navy to focus on defense rather than government affairs. As long as we can negotiate, then at least the Navy must admit that the formulation of the defense policy is necessary and should not be subject to government interference."

Even if the negotiations fail to reach our agreement, at worst the army and navy will each have their own plan, which will then be reported to His Majesty for record-keeping. This is better than the navy and the government reaching an agreement and then prioritizing political strategy over overall strategy. At that point, it will be very difficult for us to gain His Majesty's support for discussing national defense policy.

Tamura understood Yamagata's intention. The Navy's concept of a two-world confrontation was actually based on a political judgment, which also included strategy. If the government accepted the concept of a two-world confrontation, it meant that political strategy had suppressed strategy and made strategy subordinate to itself. For the first time, the government had gained the power to guide the military.

Although the army consistently pursued the unity of strategy and politics, in reality, it forced politics to submit to strategy. The Satsuma Rebellion was not a war waged by the government against the military, but rather a war waged by the military's conciliatory faction against the radicals. While objectively, politics was elevated above strategy, subjectively, the military still dictated the government's direction. The Sino-Japanese War was a goal set by the military's conciliatory faction before the Satsuma Rebellion.

However, this time the Navy proposed a genuine policy priority, viewing domestic and foreign relations from the perspective of the government rather than the military. Although the Navy attempted to use this to control the government's direction in economic development, in practice, the government planned the military's tasks, which was unprecedented.

The navy is doing this because the power to form a cabinet will inevitably fall into its hands. This is a fact that all domestic forces are aware of, and it is an unstoppable trend. With the navy in control of the government, it can suppress the army by planning new tasks for the military, which will inevitably give the navy a greater say in the military, thus changing the situation of the army dominating and the navy subservient.

When Yamagata Genro submitted his proposal for a defense consultation between the army and navy at this time, it was clearly an attempt to break the tacit understanding between the government and the navy before the formation of a naval cabinet, thereby preserving the military's independence. This emphasis on the military's independence from the government was a consistent stance of Yamagata's. It is likely that Ito Genro's direct orders to the troops stationed in Korea, given his position as Resident-General of Korea, also triggered Yamagata's desire to maintain the military's independence, hence the hasty submission of the defense policy proposal.

“Indeed, it is still necessary to establish a national defense policy at present. We cannot focus on the economy while ignoring national defense security.” Tamura could not go against the army’s position. Although he knew that it was not appropriate to do so, he could only follow in the footsteps of the elders of the mountain prefecture and maintain the independence of the military. This was the common will of the army, and he could not possibly betray this will.

However, Tamura quickly said with concern, "It's one thing for the other naval personnel, but Lin Xinyi might not be unaware of our intention in proposing a consultation on defense policy. Although he is a valuable asset to the Empire, he may not be a blessing to the Army."

Yamagata remained silent for a long time before speaking: "That's why we need to bring it up now. At least he's still too young. Even if he wants to influence the Navy's will, he'll have to do it through others. The longer time goes on, the more support he'll gain in the Navy, and the harder it will be for us to get the Navy to follow our lead."

By this time, the Army's information gathering on Hayashi Shinichi was quite comprehensive. He was a young man valued by Saigo Tsurudo, the fiancé of the adopted daughter of the Ichiki family, the most trusted strategist of Ito Sukeyuki and Kawahara Yoichi, and the culprit who caused Katsura Taro and Yamamoto Gonnohyōe to fall. Even without mentioning his overseas experience, the Army could no longer ignore this rising star in the Navy based solely on what he had done domestically.

Tanaka Giichi rose to prominence in the army after gaining the favor of Yamagata Aritomo, and seemed to be the only candidate for the third generation of the Choshu faction. Tanaka's experience was already legendary in the eyes of others. However, compared with Hayashi Shin'ichi, Tanaka Giichi's experience was nothing.

Both Tanaka Giichi and Hayashi Nobuyoshi gained the appreciation of the core leaders of the military and put forward reform opinions on the military system. However, they did not deviate from the path set by Yamagata Aritomo for the army, while Hayashi Nobuyoshi boldly broke the pattern set by Yamamoto Gonnohyōe for the navy.

To give an example, Tanaka Giichi was ultimately just the successor of Yamagata Aritomo's army ideology, while Hayashi Nobuyoshi was the creator of a navy ideology that was no less impressive than Yamamoto Gonnohyōe's. Without Yamamoto's support, Tanaka Giichi was just a talented general, not the third generation of the army. However, Hayashi Nobuyoshi, who opposed Yamamoto Gonnohyōe, still had a large number of supporters in the navy.

Faced with a figure capable of transforming an individual's will into the collective will of the navy, even if he hasn't yet ascended to the position of Minister of the Navy, no one would doubt his ability to assume it. Tanaka Giichi, with Yamagata's support, can be seen by the army as a candidate for the third generation of the Choshu faction; therefore, Hayashi Nobuyoshi, capable of confronting Yamamoto Gonnohyōe, is even more qualified to become a core figure in the navy's future.

While Tamura and Yamagata's concerns about Lieutenant Commander Hayashi Nobuyoshi might seem unbelievable, they weren't entirely unfounded. If Yamamoto Gonnohyōe relinquished the position of Minister of the Navy, Hayashi's influence within the navy would only increase. Since even Yamamoto, the father of the navy, couldn't control Hayashi, it would be even more difficult for anyone else. Unless someone broke the rules and directly transferred Hayashi to the reserves, effectively expelling him from the navy.

But can this thing that the army is looking forward to really be realized? With the protection of Ito Sukeyuki and Kawahara Yoichi, even Yamamoto Gonnohyōe could not use the power of the minister to drive Hayashi Nobuyoshi out of the navy, so it would be even more difficult for others to accomplish this.

After much deliberation, Tamura realized that Yamagata's memorial was indeed the best course of action for the army at the moment. While the war against Russia had brought honor to the military and allowed Japan to break free from the threat from the mainland, it had also left Japan heavily indebted. The people had lost interest in war and everyone hoped to live peacefully instead of planning for the next war.

Last year, the Navy declared its intention to end the war, win peace in East Asia, and focus the nation's energy on economic development. Although this sparked public discontent at the time, with the successive formation of cabinets by the Army and political parties, neither side has been able to obtain the high reparations from China and Russia that were owed in the Sino-Japanese War, nor has the capacity to expand the war to China. Meanwhile, the nation's debt continues to grow. The public is now beginning to reminisce about the benefits of the Ito Cabinet, feeling that if Ito had directly promoted peace in East Asia, at least Japan wouldn't have wasted so much money and sacrificed so many military lives.

As the reputation of the Army and political parties continues to decline, the Navy's reputation is improving. If the Navy were to acquire someone like Lin Xinyi as an advisor, then the situation of the Navy taking the lead over the Army would gradually become a reality, a reality that cannot be denied by the Army's verbal opposition.

Tamura exclaimed sincerely, "The fact that someone like Hayashi Shin'ichi could emerge at least shows that the empire's national fortune is still prosperous, and at least we don't have to worry about Japan after the Meiji Restoration."

Yamagata Aritomo glanced at Tamura. Although he disliked hearing such words, he inwardly agreed with Tamura's sentiments. Hayashi Nobuyoshi's emergence truly demonstrated that the cause established by the Meiji Restoration leaders would not simply decline. What he worried about now was that Hayashi Nobuyoshi, like the anti-shogunate heroes of the past, would relentlessly destroy the shogunate system. For a young man like Hayashi Nobuyoshi, what essential difference was there between the politics led by the older generation and the shogunate system?

This is precisely why Yamagata is wary of Hayashi Nobuyoshi. Most young people's resistance against the system ends in failure, but those who succeed in resisting usually ruthlessly negate the old system. He does not want to be negated by the new forces like the Tokugawa Shogunate.

Chapter 599

At the Naval General Staff's departmental meeting in mid-July, the Fourth Division Chief Arima Ryotachi and the First Division Chief Sato Tetsutaro suddenly raised the issue of naval professionalization. Although this was not part of the agenda for this meeting, Chief of Staff Kawahara affirmed the issue, believing that the conclusions drawn from the operational review should be discussed openly with an inclusive attitude.

The heads of the various departments of the Naval General Staff had just been reshuffled. The heads of the First, Second, Third, and Fourth Departments had all been replaced. Except for Colonel Kazuyoshi Yamaji, the head of the Third Department, the other three heads were transferred from the Fleet Staff Department.

Yamaji Kazuyoshi had previously served as the chief of staff of the Third Department. Although he was not qualified to be the head of the department as a member of the 17th Marine Class, considering that Takashi Tsaibu had been transferred out of the Naval General Staff, and that compensation was needed to appease Minister Yamamoto, and given that the Third Department was mainly responsible for intelligence work, and that Yamaji had been in charge of the department's daily work as the chief of staff, it was not certain that other people could do a good job in intelligence work if they were transferred to the Third Department, so it was simply decided to promote Colonel Yamaji to the head of the Third Department.

Knowing he lacked the necessary qualifications, Yamaji maintained a low profile after assuming the position of minister, simply following orders and avoiding the kind of constant bickering and conflict with Vice Minister Togo Masamichi that Takashi Takashi did, refusing to allow Togo to interfere in his department's work. Takashi Takashi believed he understood his department better than Togo Masamichi, but to outsiders, it appeared he was relying on his father-in-law, Minister Yamamoto's, power to oppose Togo Masamichi.

The next position for the Ministry of Finance is either Vice Minister of the Naval General Staff or Vice Minister of the Navy. Otherwise, he cannot be considered Yamamoto Gonnohyōe's successor. However, the power and responsibility of the Vice Minister of the Navy are not yet enough for the Ministry of Finance to bear. Therefore, the Vice Minister of the Naval General Staff is the most suitable position for him to advance. It is no wonder that others think that the conflict between the Ministry of Finance and Vice Minister Togo is not entirely a matter of official business. After all, Togo is blocking the Ministry of Finance's path to advancement.

As for the Minister of General Affairs, Oda Kiyozo, although he was a graduate of the 11th class of the Navy and the most senior among the ministers, he had always worked in central ministries and ministries, so his resume was very thin. If the Naval General Staff had not separated from the Navy Ministry, it would have been very difficult for Oda Kiyozo to be promoted to the ministerial level. Therefore, he was quite grateful to Chief of Staff Kawahara and basically did whatever Chief of Staff Kawahara said.

The Second Department Head, Yamaya Toshiro, Arima's contemporary and Chief of Staff of the Fourth Fleet, possessed unique tactical insights. Like Arima Ryotachibana, he hoped to make a name for himself in his new position and quickly joined the discussion on the professionalization of the navy. Three of the five department heads became active supporters of naval professionalization, while the other two cautiously expressed that it was worth discussing. Naturally, the section chiefs below them were even less likely to voice any opposition.

Therefore, at the end of the meeting, Chief of Staff Kawahara suggested that the discussion on the professionalization of the navy could be expanded, and opinions could be solicited from various units in the name of the Naval General Staff. If a positive response could be obtained, then a proposal for the professionalization of the navy could be formally put forward at the general officers' meeting to promote the professionalization of the navy.

The only person who was dissatisfied with this meeting was probably Vice Minister Togo Masamichi, because he felt that he had been marginalized in the discussion on the professionalization of the navy. The topics were raised by the ministers, and the affirmation was made by Chief of Staff Kawahara. So he did not find his place in it at all, which made him very dissatisfied.

So, after the meeting, he called Lin Xinyi, who was talking with Akiyama Saneyuki and a few others, to his office. Lin Xinyi, who was discussing how to contact various departments with Akiyama and the others, had to interrupt the conversation and said to them, "In short, let me know when you've reached a conclusion. I suggest that the discussion on professionalization be carried out in the two internal naval publications. This way, the entire navy can understand why we need professionalization, what changes professionalization will bring to the navy, and what the advantages and disadvantages of professionalization are for individuals. Once these questions are clarified, we'll know whether we need a professional navy..."

After speaking, Lin Xinyi picked up his briefcase from the table and left the meeting room. Following the somewhat dimly lit corridor to the east end of the second floor led to the Deputy Minister's office. The Deputy Minister's office was more than half the size of the Chief of Staff's office upstairs, but the view from the window was actually quite similar, just from a lower angle.

Seeing Lin Xinyi close the door, Togo Masamichi couldn't wait to ask, "Was it your idea to make the navy professional?"

After putting down his briefcase at his desk, Lin Xinyi replied, "I only gave a general direction; the main content was planned by Ministers Arima and Sato, and Section Chief Akiyama."

Upon hearing this, Togo Masamichi said with some displeasure, "Why didn't you report this to me first? The professionalization of the navy is such a grand issue. Why let Arima and Sato get involved? They're not our people. Isn't this just letting them benefit for nothing?"

Lin Xinyi smiled and replied, “The discussion on naval professionalization is too grand, so the person who first proposed it only gains fame and doesn’t actually get much benefit. However, the officers who suffer losses because of promoting naval professionalization will focus their resentment on the person who proposed it in the future. That’s why I didn’t report to you, Vice Minister, first, so as not to put you in a difficult position.”

Togo Masamichi, however, saw it differently. He shook his head and said, "Although people may resent me, how can you do things without being resented? A nice guy who isn't resented can't survive in the Navy. Kawahara and I are only a year apart, but that one-year gap is now impossible to close."

Lin Xinyi could understand Vice Minister Togo's feelings when he heard him express them. Back in the Naval Academy, the gap between Togo and Kawahara wasn't that big; one was the principal, and the other was the instructor, only half a rank apart. But now, Kawahara was only half a step away from the position of Minister of the Navy, while Togo was at least three or four steps away from the position of Chief of the Naval General Staff.

The reason for this stark difference is that the dispute between Kawahara and Yamamoto Gonnohyōe was over the direction of naval development. Kawahara, who won the debate, took over as Minister of the Navy without any obstacles. However, Togo Masamichi needed seniority and achievements to covet the position of Chief of the Naval General Staff, because he could not claim the new direction proposed by the Naval General Staff as his personal achievement.

In the war that had just broken out, too many people stood in the way of Togo Masashi thanks to their military achievements. Togo Heihachiro, the commander-in-chief of the Combined Fleet, still had nowhere to go. Although Uemura Hikonojo, who was in the same period as Togo Masashi, was humiliated by the Russian Vladivostok Squadron in the early stages of the war, he eventually managed to defeat the Vladivostok Squadron and thus became qualified to compete for the position of commander-in-chief.

It was under these circumstances that Yamamoto Gonnohyōe's relinquishment of the position of Minister of the Navy to become Prime Minister was the best option for the Navy, at least freeing up a position for someone else. Yamamoto Gonnohyōe also saw this, which is why he had no choice but to accept the suggestion of the Kawahara faction, represented by Hayashi Nobuyoshi, and relinquish the position of Minister of the Navy to Kawahara in exchange for the Kawahara faction's support in forming a cabinet.

With Kawahara appointed as Minister of the Navy, the most likely candidates for Chief of the Navy are Saito Makoto and Togo Heihachiro, followed by others. Whether Togo Heihachiro directly becomes Chief of the Navy, or Saito Makoto is transferred to the position and Togo Heihachiro becomes Vice Minister of the Navy, Togo Masato's path to advancement is blocked by these two. As long as these two have the opportunity to succeed as Minister of the Navy, it will be difficult for him to succeed Kawahara as Minister of the Navy. Considering his age, he may stop at his current position.

Even without Kawahara's success, Togo Masamichi would actually be satisfied with the status quo. After all, he wasn't from Satsuma and had never dared to hope that the position of Minister of the Navy would ever be his. But since Kawahara could rise to the position of Minister of the Navy, why couldn't he? After all, the Satsuma clique's monopoly on naval personnel power had been broken, and the position of Minister of the Navy had theoretically become a position for the most capable person, rather than an exclusive position for Satsuma people.

Togo Masamichi was naturally willing to take some risks to get closer to the position of Minister of the Navy. Promoting the professionalization of the navy might provoke hatred, but as long as it could enhance his prestige within the navy, Togo Masamichi was genuinely willing to give it a try.

Lin Xinyi considered these thoughts, but said without hesitation, "Actually, raising the issue of naval professionalization at today's meeting is just a trial balloon. The real issue is how to promote naval professionalization, which is exactly what I wanted to report to you."

Togo Masamichi was immediately drawn to Lin Xinyi's words. He stared at Lin Xinyi, placed his hands on the desk, and asked, "How do you promote the professionalization of the navy? Explain in detail."

Lin Xinyi lowered his head and opened his briefcase, saying without pausing, "In fact, as the navy has developed to this point, the types of departments have become quite complex. Many departments don't even have direct contact with each other. Even central agencies like the Navy Ministry and the Naval General Staff simply issue instructions to some departments without any substantial work exchange. From a certain perspective, this is a manifestation of the navy's lack of professionalism, which is why the various departments of the navy cannot form a close and organic whole."

The purpose of professionalizing the navy is to promote closer ties within the navy and to enable central agencies to further strengthen their guidance over naval districts and fleets, thereby ensuring that the navy has a true brain.

Based on my observations, only one department within the Navy truly maintains a working relationship with all other departments. Therefore, if naval professionalization begins with this department, it will rapidly establish the core of a professional navy and eliminate the independence of other departments. This department is the Naval Ministry's Management Department. My proposed path to naval professionalization is to separate the Management Department from the Naval Ministry, establishing a separate Management Headquarters and making it the core of the Navy—what I call "logistics-centricism."

Lin Xinyi placed a report in front of Togo Masamichi, then took a step back, waiting for Togo to read it. Togo hesitated for a moment, then picked up Lin Xinyi's report and began to read it. It was only seven or eight pages long, and Lin Xinyi mainly argued about the impact of logistics-centricism on the future structure of the navy, only briefly mentioning the specific operational aspects. However, for Togo Masamichi, the content of this report resonated deeply with his own situation.

He suppressed the urge to read it again; there were still many things he hadn't figured out. Calmly, he placed the report on the table and looked at Lin Xinyi, asking, "Logistics-centric approach—doesn't that exclude those combat-ready officers from the core of power? Such a proposal might lead to dissatisfaction from the fleet, wouldn't it?"

Lin Xinyi and Togo Masamichi looked at each other and said calmly, "So we need to first make the professionalization of the navy the mainstream view, then raise the status of the management department, and finally establish a new pattern centered on logistics. In this way, those dissatisfying voices can only complain, but will be powerless to fight against the established system."

This wasn't a theory that should have been proposed now. It should have been introduced after Commander-in-Chief Kawahara took over as Minister of the Navy, completed the personnel reforms within the navy, and while the navy was still reeling from these reforms. Only then would this viewpoint have been presented, minimizing opposition within the navy. Furthermore, by altering the power structure of the navy, you would naturally concentrate its resources in your own hands, ensuring you could easily secure a future as minister.

Besides, unless you, Instructor, don't intend to vie for the ministerial position, offending people is inevitable. Your only choice now is how to position those you intend to offend against the future of the navy, rather than against you.

Togo Masamichi fell silent. In fact, after thinking about it, he also felt that Hayashi Shinji was right. If he wanted to become the Minister of the Navy, he would have to compete with others. How to get the neutral people in the Navy to his side would determine whether he could become the Minister of the Navy. After all, relying solely on his own strength, he could not compete with Saito Makoto and Togo Heihachiro. Only by winning over a group of people to his side through various means would he have a chance to compete for the position of Minister.

Kawahara Yoichi's success has already shown him how sweet the fruits of victory in a power struggle can be. Logistics-centricism appears to be a phase goal under the new policy. If he can truly push for the logistics center to control all parts of the navy, then Saito's connections and Togo Heihachiro's achievements will be incomparable to the power he wields in the logistics center.

Looking at Lin Xinyi once more, Dongxiang Zhenglu felt a strange unease rise in his heart. He couldn't help but ask, "Xinyi, you've considered so many things. What do you really want in the future?"

Lin Xinyi looked at Vice Minister Togo in surprise. He had imagined many questions, but he really didn't expect the other party to ask this one. He didn't know what to say for a moment. After a while, he reacted and said, "When Marquis Saigo recruited me into the navy, he told me that he hoped I could make the navy more promising."

Everything I'm doing now is to fulfill my promise to Lord Saigo. My ambition is to fight for the future of the navy. A promising Japanese navy—that's what I want.”

Fulfilling the agreement with Marquis Saigo was indeed a compelling reason, and Masashi Togo couldn't press the matter further; doing so would offend someone. Togo could only nod in approval, but he quickly added, "If I hadn't called you over earlier, when did you plan to submit this report?"

Lin Xinyi blinked and said, "If you, Vice Minister, don't show your anxiety about the future of the Navy, how could I dare to submit this report rashly? As you know, once this report is released, it will inevitably cause turmoil within the Navy, which is not a scenario I want to see."

Togo Masamichi was stunned for a moment, then could only laugh and scold Lin Xinyi, ending the conversation. Aside from the army and navy diligently considering post-war development, the public's patience with the Saionji cabinet was finally running out.

The Saionji Cabinet came to power for two main reasons: internal strife within the army and navy, and public dissatisfaction with the war's failure to deliver the expected benefits to Japan. This led the public to desire a prime minister who was not a military officer to form a cabinet. The public generally had two wishes for this cabinet: to end the war and to reduce taxes.

During the war, Japan's temporary taxes tripled the average tax burden per capita. While a small portion of this increase was due to the wartime economic boom, the majority came from these temporary taxes. Since the military could not fulfill its pre-war promises to obtain substantial reparations from defeated nations to compensate for war expenditures, the public sought to eliminate these wartime taxes, hoping to at least ensure they could afford a few decent meals.

However, the government formed by the Saionji Cabinet, a so-called representative of the people, not only failed to respond to the people's calls for tax reductions, but also intended to convert the temporary taxes levied during the war into permanent taxes. Although the people were unaware that the Seiyukai party was advocating for converting the temporary taxes into permanent taxes in order to promote the nationalization of the People's Railways, the news that the army wanted to retain the divisions added during the war had already spread from the restaurants to the public.

Therefore, public opinion began to put pressure on the government, demanding both military reduction and tax cuts. Amid this debate, the voice of agrarian nationalists gradually became the mainstream. After all, Japan is still an agricultural country, and the bulk of the tax burden still falls on farmers. Protecting food prices and alleviating the burden on farmers became the strongest demands of agrarian nationalists for the Saionji Cabinet.

Chapter 600

Japan first recognized private land ownership in December 1871 when the Dajōkan (Minister of State) announced the abolition of samurai lands and town plots in Tokyo. This legally recognized private ownership of land, rather than just the right to use it.

In order to promote land tax reform, that is, to change from land rent in kind during the old shogunate era to land rent in monetary form, the Meiji Restoration government urgently needed to determine the ownership of land in order to collect taxes. This was the biggest driving force behind the Meiji Restoration government's issuance of land certificates three times in 1872, which determined the ownership of land throughout the country.

However, during this land registration process, the government deprived farmers of the public land they could use after paying taxes in the old days. This public land was the source of grazing and fuel for farmers. Secondly, there was an excessive bias towards former landlords and merchants. According to tradition, many people claimed to own land, and the evidence was kept by the village chief. However, the village chief generally favored usurers and landlords, thus issuing land ownership certificates to them.

For the farmers, the land they had cultivated for generations suddenly became someone else's property, and they themselves became tenants. This was naturally unbearable, so peasant riots broke out in various places. Ultimately, these riots were exploited by the old samurai who were dissatisfied with the Meiji Restoration government, which led to the Satsuma Rebellion of 1877.

The samurai-peasant rebellion, which attempted to revive the old era, was suppressed under the strong crackdown of the Meiji Restoration government. However, the situation in rural areas did not improve as a result. In the old Edo period, land taxes were divided into five categories: public and private. The land tax set by the Meiji Restoration government was 3% of the land value, which, calculated based on the harvest, amounted to about 24.5%, a decrease of 4.5% compared to the Edo period. However, this was only a theoretical calculation.

After adding 1% of local tax to the land tax, the land tax in the Meiji era was not much different from the feudal tax in the Edo period. However, the Edo period collected taxes in kind, which meant that the taxes paid to the Edo were a fixed share. In good years, more had to be paid, while in bad years, taxes could be reduced. In contrast, the Meiji era collected a fixed monetary tax regardless of the year, and only in currency.

This tax system had little impact on tenant farmers and landlords. Tenants paid in kind to landlords, who could then store grain to sell at higher prices. However, for independent farmers, the new tax system was quite harsh. Autumn harvest was when grain prices were at their lowest, but to pay land taxes, independent farmers had to sell at least a quarter of their harvest. Being exploited by merchants was inevitable in this process. In years of poor harvests, independent farmers had no choice but to borrow at high interest rates or even sell their daughters to pay land taxes.

From 1883 to 1890, 367744 farmers had their land confiscated and auctioned due to unpaid land taxes, with a total auctioned area of ​​47281 cho (approximately 12,333 square kilometers). The total value of these auctioned lands was approximately 27 times the amount of unpaid land taxes. Ten years after the implementation of the land tax reform regulations, the area of ​​tenant farmland increased from 31% to 40% of cultivated land, and a large number of owner-cultivators went bankrupt and became tenant farmers.

　A foreigner described Japanese society at the time as follows: "In 1884, the total value of land sales in Japan (including cities) exceeded the total land price by 4.8%, and in 1886 this ratio even reached 5.1%... Within 20 years, after the land of the former landowners was taken away, a change of landownership occurred; from an economic and social perspective, the difficulties that Japan experienced even exceeded those of France during the French Revolution."

Meanwhile, the Loan Party, an organization formed by impoverished rural farmers to oppose large-scale land confiscation, stated in notices and leaflets distributed in Izu: "In the countryside today, an interest rate of 13% is already considered a very reasonable level, and extending the repayment period from three years to five years is also a benevolent practice."

The lives of peasants were so impoverished that it is not surprising that peasant uprisings were a recurring phenomenon throughout the Meiji era. After the Satsuma Rebellion, peasant uprisings attempting to overthrow the Meiji government ceased, but peasant movements against the government never truly stopped. However, with the intervention and guidance of the landowning class, the movements of lower-class peasants advocating rent and interest reduction and opposing usury were suppressed. The landowners' resistance against the government—what is known as agrarianism—became the mainstream of the peasant movement.

The core demands of agrarianism were to grant political rights to the landlord class, oppose government policies supporting industry and commerce, and guarantee the price of rice. The issue of rent and interest reduction was mentioned briefly, but no specific policies were required; it was merely a slogan without any substantive content.

Besides the landlord class as their supporters, the agrarian capitalists also had another large group – small commercial capitalists. They were all involved in rice trading, usury, and local small-scale investments. The decline of the countryside affected their businesses first, and fluctuations in rice prices also harmed their commercial interests. Therefore, they were a more radical anti-financial and anti-feudal political force than the landlord class.

In contrast, the landlord class, who lived off land rent, didn't actually want to fight against the powerful clans and tycoons. Instead, they wanted to divert the peasants' discontent away from themselves, since they were the social class closest to the peasants. The peasants' anger could easily be directed at them if there were no other targets to draw their hatred.

This attack on the Saionji Cabinet by agrarian proponents was indeed due to the fact that farmers were truly struggling to survive. If national spending wasn't reduced to give farmers a breather, another rural uprising might break out. Therefore, seeing no hope of obtaining war reparations, reducing military spending, streamlining national expenditures, and supporting the rural economy were naturally the agrarian proponents' first thoughts.

This time, however, the criticisms of the agrarians against the government were clearly amplified intentionally. Many newspapers suddenly dug up some old stories, saying that many problems had occurred when private land ownership was confirmed, and that many landlords had actually taken over other people's land to accumulate their own wealth.

Furthermore, the Toyo Keizai Shimbun claimed that landowners, apart from paying land taxes, do not bear any costs of cultivating the land, yet their share of the land revenue exceeds that of the farmers, which is also unreasonable.

The newspaper also listed a series of data: during the Edo period, the state took 5% of the land's harvest, the village head who managed the farmers received 18%, and the farmers retained 32% of the harvest. However, today, the farmers still retain 32% of the harvest, the state takes less than 12%, but the landowners receive 56% of the land's harvest. This distribution method is obviously unreasonable, but it is not that the state takes too much, but that the landowners take too much.

Before the Toyo Keizai Shimbun published this series of articles on land survey revenue, people were generally unaware that landowners accounted for such a high proportion of land revenue. Everyone was used to using the distribution ratio of that year to argue that land taxes were too high and to blame the farmers' hardship on excessive land taxes.

However, after two or three decades, the fixed land tax has actually depreciated relative to the ever-increasing rice prices. Originally, it was proposed to update land prices every six years to adjust the amount of land tax, but it has never been updated. Landlords have greatly encroached on the farmers' income through the means of sharing land rent and hoarding. However, under the cover of monetary land tax, in-kind sharing of land rent, and usury, most people have not realized this.

The Toyo Keizai Shimbun put forward two suggestions: either correct the error in the initial recognition of private land rights, reclaim all land from the state, and then distribute it fairly to all citizens; or re-register all land in the country, expropriate the land of landlords who have completely abandoned agricultural production, and then distribute it to landless farmers for production, while setting a quota for landlords in the countryside and expropriating the portion exceeding the quota.

The Toyo Keizai Shimbun's series of reports and suggestions on the rural system quickly drew public attention to itself. The landowning class utterly despised the Toyo Keizai Shimbun and even demanded that the government shut down this tainted newspaper that incited violence. However, many intellectuals, peasant associations, and working-class individuals also expressed their support for the Toyo Keizai Shimbun, believing that the newspaper represented the conscience of the Japanese intellectual community.