Twentieth Century Chronicle

Page 155

Therefore, we must reveal this point culturally, and tell the people that it was the Japanese people who launched the anti-shogunate war to liberate the emperor from the Tokugawa shogunate, not the emperor who bestowed freedom upon the people.

In an effort to rescue the Emperor, Kusaka Genzui ordered his men to attack the Sakaimachi Imperial Gate. The Emperor, however, could only sit helplessly within the palace walls, unable to rebuke the shogunate's army for supporting Kusaka Genzui. He even allowed the shogunate to execute Kusaka Genzui afterward, using the attack on the Imperial Palace as a pretext. Even Ōkubo, a comrade on the anti-shogunate cause, famously declared: "An unjust imperial edict is no edict at all."

Choshu's uprising against the shogunate failed several times. In the end, Takasugi Shinsaku mobilized the common people to form a volunteer army to fight against the shogunate's soldiers. Aren't the common people the power of the people? However, after the shogunate surrendered, these common people were betrayed by the anti-shogunate samurai.

This shows that the Japanese people's freedom came from their own struggle against the shogunate, not from the emperor or the samurai who overthrew the shogunate. The so-called inviolable majesty of the emperor did not exist before the overthrow of the shogunate, nor did it exist in the eyes of the patriots who fought against the shogunate; it only existed in the slogans of the oppressive feudal politics.

Only when the Chinese people deeply understand this point will the imperial constitution fail to restrict the freedom and democracy of the people, the mythologized emperor will return to the human world, and the socialist theories we promote will be accepted by the Chinese people.

In short, the Emperor system has three core pillars: the deification of the Emperor, the Confucian moral system, and a powerful state apparatus. If we cannot first dismantle the first two pillars, then the people will not help us dismantle the final one. This is because these two are precisely the legitimacy of the Emperor system's absolutism, and it is these two that bind the minds of the people, thus preventing them from resisting the state under the Emperor's rule…

This discussion about the cultural front finally led Abe, Katayama, and Kotoku to agree with the new revolutionary line proposed by Hayashi Shin-yi. Even the stubborn Kotoku Shusui relented and said that he would make a contingency plan for the government's crackdown on the People's News Agency in order to prevent the contact information of socialists in various places from falling into the hands of the police.

During the discussion, Isoo Abe formally requested to withdraw from the People's News Agency. Following Shin-Yi Hayashi's suggestion, both sides would cooperate outside the party, each establishing their own organization. Hayashi proposed a political three-way division of left, center, and right, emphasizing that the current enemies were: firstly, the right-hand representatives of the landlord class—the feudal lords and the aristocratic forces; secondly, the center-right representatives of the bourgeoisie—the liberals; then the center-left reformists; and finally, the left-hand socialists.

There are still many differences between the Christian socialists led by Abe Isoo and the socialists led by Katayama and Kotoku. Mixing the two would only lead to constant conflict. The withdrawal of the Abe faction would reduce internal strife within the Heibun Shinbun (People's Newspaper) while preserving relations between the two sides. Furthermore, cooperation can still be maintained in the face of confronting the feudal lords—the representatives of the landowning class. This is the decision that best serves the interests of all three parties at present.

Chapter 549

After spending the night at the People's News Agency, Abe was planning to take Hayashi Shin-yoshi back to Shinbashi the next day. His time with Hayashi Shin-yoshi wasn't just for personal matters; he was also responsible for helping Hayashi Shin-yoshi compile a peace development plan outline, which was Prime Minister Ito's policy outline after achieving peace in East Asia. However, Abe was unaware that this outline was not compiled for implementation, but rather to allow Prime Minister Ito to step down safely.

After thinking for a while, Hayashi Shin-yi said he needed to visit some senior naval officers in Bunkyo Ward and asked Abe Isoo to return to his residence in Shinbashi first. Abe then parted ways with Hayashi Shin-yi and went back first, but Hayashi Shin-yi was not in a hurry to leave. After seeing Abe off, he returned to the newspaper office and met with Katayama Sen and Kotoku Shusui.

During the meeting between the three, Lin Hsin-yi frankly said, "I want to incite conflict between the Army and the Navy. Do you have any trustworthy reporters to assist you in this matter? They should be reliable, preferably without any burdens, and go abroad to avoid the limelight after this is done."

Kotoku Shusui disliked intrigue, and although he knew that provoking a confrontation between the army and navy would benefit the proletarian revolution, he remained silent. Katayama Sen, though also disapproving, still spoke up and said, "Nishikawa has more connections outside, so he should be able to find suitable candidates, or we could have him come over to discuss this together."

Lin Xinyi inquired in detail about Nishikawa Kojiro's background and agreed to Katayama's suggestion. Soon, Katayama went out and brought Nishikawa in. Upon hearing that the plan was to provoke conflict between the army and navy in order to weaken the power of the feudal cliques, Nishikawa readily agreed. The two then began a heated discussion, leaving Kotoku Shusui and Katayama Sen aside.

Lin Xinyi was very satisfied with his conversation with Nishikawa. After all, Nishikawa was a publisher, so he was quite familiar with Tokyo's tabloids and reporters. After confirming that Nishikawa could find reliable young reporters to report the news he wanted, Lin Xinyi said to him, "It is inconvenient for me to handle this matter myself, so you can contact them for me. If you have any questions, you can write a letter and send it to Mr. Abe's residence in Shinbashi."

Now, contact the reporters of these tabloids and have them first to tout the army's achievements in this operation while slightly downplaying the navy's role. Once you've hyped up the army and navy, it will be a natural progression for the tabloids praising the army and those praising the navy to interview their respective commanders.

I will contact you again regarding the follow-up matters…

After seeing Lin Xinyi off again with Katayama and Yukinori, Nishikawa couldn't help but say to Katayama and Yukinori beside him, "This young man is really interesting. But does he really think that this kind of topic can provoke an adversarial relationship between the army and the navy?"

Kotoku Shusui wasn't particularly concerned about the matter; he was still pondering Lin Xinyi's critique of anarchism from the previous night. Katayama, however, replied to Nishikawa, "Xinyi is quite insightful. But you should be careful when you contact him, lest you reveal his identity, or all your efforts will be in vain."

Nishikawa nodded and replied seriously, "I'll be careful. I won't let the army find out so easily..."

After leaving the narrow street where the People's News Agency was located, the taxi Lin Xinyi was riding in quickly turned north into the Bunkyo Ward. This area is a mix of plains and mountains. During the Edo period, it was a place where Edo people would go on outings. Because of its beautiful scenery, many daimyo's residences were built here. After the Meiji Restoration, it became a newly emerging educational district, and many new nobles built their residences here.

Lin Xinyi's statement about visiting a senior naval officer was not just an excuse; he had come here to pay his respects to the naval veteran. He was genuinely here to see the veteran, and his visit was a genuine expression of his respect for the veteran.

After the Tokugawa Shogunate restored power to the emperor, the former retainers of the shogunate steadily declined in the new era. Even with some rebellious elements, their influence only diminished.

This decline was partly due to the fact that the Meiji Restoration government thoroughly absorbed the legacy of the Edo Shogunate's reforms and introduced further capitalist development plans, which led to the rise of a Greater Japan mentality that overshadowed the feudal mentality among the people. The wars against the Qing Dynasty and Russia stimulated the growth of this nationalism. As a result, the new generation of Tokyoites had almost no nostalgia for the Edo period, and the old shogunate faction lost its fresh blood and naturally declined.

This phenomenon is not unique to the old shogunate faction. The Choshu and Satsuma clans, who control the army and navy, have also lost their appeal to young people. Although the Choshu and Satsuma clans can maintain some fresh blood by relying on their control of the army and navy, it is difficult for interest groups linked by region and blood ties to gain the recognition of young people. This is because it is equivalent to blocking their path to power. It also means that young people can rise to power not because of their own ability and achievements, but because of whose son they are or where they are born.

This explains why, despite their high positions and influence in the Army and Navy, the Choshu and Satsuma cliques not only have a poor reputation among the general public, but also lack respect and affection from lower-ranking military officers.

For example, when Yamamoto Gonnohyōe wanted to marry Takabe Hayao, a group of naval officers advised Yamamoto against it, arguing that if it were truly for Takabe's good, he shouldn't marry Yamamoto. While Takabe did indeed rise through the ranks quickly after becoming Yamamoto's son-in-law, his prestige within the military was low. This was because people felt he relied on Yamamoto's nepotism rather than his abilities, earning him the nickname "Prince Takabe." This demonstrates that even lower-ranking officers and soldiers in the military were beginning to resent the feudal lords.

Another reason for the decline of the old Tokugawa faction was internal strife. The Ezo Republic faction, which fought to the last moment, had essentially broken away from its loyalty to the Tokugawa family. What they wanted to maintain was a small circle from the Meiji era.

As for the old retainers of the shogunate who were closely associated with Tokugawa Yoshinobu, they did not want to restore the glory of the Edo shogunate, but rather hoped to vindicate the shogunate. After all, Tokugawa Yoshinobu had already advocated opening the country, and the anti-shogunate faction had overthrown the shogunate under the banner of expelling foreigners, and in the end, they chose the shogunate's policy of opening the country. In their view, this war against the shogunate was superfluous.

Lin Xinyi upheld the principles established by Lin Xinyi at the naval seminar, therefore Lin Xinyi had to come and express his gratitude.

After a formal introduction of Benwu Xian and Lin Xinyi, he then had a private conversation with Lin Xinyi in the study for nearly an hour.

槺疚湎芎苁堑S歉盖椎纳硖澹,型炯复喂床榭矗,峁急桓盖赘狭顺鋈ァV吠搅中乓甯娲抢肟,庞邢驹垢盖咨肀弑г沽苏馕荒昵崛思妇洌,醯昧中乓逄,�换嵴展死夏耆说纳硖辶恕?

However, the somewhat spirited young man, after finishing his letter, asked his father with some surprise, "He's just a young man who graduated only a few years ago. Even if you think highly of him, Father, you don't need to support him like this, do you?"

槺疚溲锲擦硕右谎酆螅,档溃骸八植皇悄悄悖,闶强孔盼也拍茏叩较衷诘母叨齿,切乓寮幢悴豱孔盼遥,材茏叩侥誰沁沁叨取S肫渌凳俏以谥С炙,共�location缢凳俏蚁關柚牧α扛 He cherished himself, his gaze sweeping across the land, his heart filled with awe and fear. He was struck by the sight of a woman, her voice trembling with the weight of her fate. He was utterly bewildered, his gaze fixed on the woman, his expression a mixture of emotions, a mixture of fear and unease. He was a man of few words, yet he remained silent, his voice sharp and unyielding. He was a man of few words, ...

槺疚湎懿⒉販贤，盖椎呐卸希，醯酶盖资遣皇抢虾苛耍，庋桓瞿昵崛讼關衔恢辽僖惨？20 years later, what kind of ministerial faction will still exist 20 years later?

Seemingly sensing her son's dismissive attitude, she looked at him with a mixture of guilt and resentment, then said, "You're just being difficult. You're not taking it seriously at all." She then added, "I'm just being difficult, and you're not taking it seriously at all." She continued, "I'm just being difficult, and you're just being difficult." She then added, "I'm just being difficult, and you're just being difficult." She then said, "I'm just being difficult, and you're just being difficult."

槺疚湴苏饥安幻獬没肺实溃骸暗降资鞘裁茨被,酶盖啄饷粗厥樱俊�

With no other choice, Benwuxian could only take a few letters and leave the room.

At 10:11 AM on November 9th, Yamamoto Gonnohyōe, accompanied by Saitō Makoto and other naval officers and councilors, arrived at the Naval General Staff building in Shinagawa. Although the view from the Shinagawa building overlooking Tokyo Bay was better than that from the Ministry of the Navy building in Kasumigaseki, Yamamoto, the Minister of the Navy, did not show any signs of being relaxed. Saitō Makoto and Matsumoto Kazu, who followed closely behind him, also had tense expressions, as if they were there to collect debts rather than to hold a meeting.

Of course, the core members of the Yamamoto faction had reason to be angry. They had finally set a trap for their prey, but the prey refused to step into it and instead planned to plot against them. How could this not be infuriating?

Since the Naval General Staff showed signs of independence, the Ministry of the Navy has been trying to bring it back under its control. This is not just the idea of ​​Navy Minister Yamamoto, but also the view of the entire faction led by Yamamoto. After all, if the Navy wants to restore the name of the Navy and the Army, it must rely on a unified Navy. A divided Navy will find it difficult to accomplish this arduous task.

Even though the Naval General Staff has indeed won back considerable benefits for the Navy in recent years, from the perspective of the Ministry of the Navy, a central naval agency attempting to rival it is the biggest destabilizing factor for the Navy and the greatest obstacle to the consistency of naval policy. Ultimately, the Naval General Staff must submit to the Ministry of the Navy so that the Navy can focus wholeheartedly on competing with the Army for resources; otherwise, the Ministry of the Navy, beset by enemies both internally and externally, will find it difficult to suppress the Army.

As for the future development path of the navy, Minister of the Navy Yamamoto had already considered it quite thoroughly before the outbreak of this war. They were just waiting for a suitable opportunity to launch this development plan.

After the victory at the Battle of Cam Ranh Bay, Saito and Yamamoto discussed and decided to put forward a new naval development plan. On the one hand, they wanted to use the prestige brought by the great naval victory to force the government to accept the naval plan; on the other hand, they wanted to use this to suppress the prestige of the Naval General Staff and establish the image of the Ministry of the Navy as the true leader of the navy.

This was originally a plan that would have been easy to come up with. After all, Saito and Yamamoto had been planning for the future of the Navy for more than a year, while the Naval General Staff had only half a month to prepare after receiving the news. Saito believed that it was impossible for the Naval General Staff to come up with a development plan that could compete with theirs in such a short time. Even if they managed to come up with a plan, it would most likely be vague and would only serve as a foil to their plan in the end.

But just when they thought they had it all figured out, the Military General Staff launched a counterattack. Although it was unclear what the Military General Staff had prepared, the fact that it could persuade Prime Minister Ito to intervene meant that the Military General Staff must have something that Prime Minister Ito could accept; otherwise, Prime Minister Ito would not have personally intervened.

The feeling of being slapped in the back is naturally unpleasant, which is why the naval officers from the Ministry of the Navy appeared at the Shinagawa Building with dark faces and full of resentment.

When Vice Admiral Manjuji Yamauchi, the commander of the Wu Naval Base, and Rear Admiral Toshitsu Sakamoto, the president of the Naval Academy at the same time, entered the Naval General Staff meeting room, they saw that Minister of the Navy Yamamoto and Chief of Staff Kawahara were sitting across the conference table from each other, and Saito, Matsumoto, Togo and others were also exchanging glances across the conference table, which looked like two armies facing off. The relaxed expressions on the two men's faces disappeared immediately.

After the two quietly found empty seats and sat down, Lieutenant General Yamauchi lowered his voice and said to Major General Sakamoto, "I've long heard that Chief of Staff Kawahara and Minister of the Navy Yamamoto are at odds, but I didn't expect that even the Naval General Staff and the Ministry of the Navy would be at odds now. It looks like today is going to be a stormy day."

Sakamoto Toshitsu smiled slightly and did not respond to Vice Admiral Yamauchi. However, he was quite happy to see the two sides in opposition. He, Saito, and Yamauchi were classmates and the three were known as the three best talents in the navy. As a result, Yamauchi, who had a background, and Saito, who followed the right person, were promoted, while he was still only a rear admiral. He was also full of resentment towards the arrogance of the Satsuma clique.

To outsiders like Sakamoto Toshitsu, the fiercer the conflict between Kawahara and Yamamoto, the better. It would at least bring some change to the Navy, far better than its current stagnant state. And Sakamoto Toshitsu wasn't the only one watching the spectacle. The heads of the Navy's central agencies—the Ministry of the Navy, the Naval General Staff, the Naval Construction Headquarters, and the Education Headquarters—were practically relegated to idle positions. The Ministry of the Navy and the Minister of the Navy had taken far too much power, already provoking widespread anger.

Yamamoto Gonnohyōe's policy of unifying the navy may be a good thing for candidates for the Ministry of the Navy and the Minister of the Navy, but for those departments whose power has been usurped by the Ministry of the Navy and the Minister of the Navy, this unification of power actually marginalizes them, so how can they be willing to accept it?

Even Goro Ijuin, the head of the Naval Administration Headquarters who was inclined towards Navy Minister Yamamoto, was dissatisfied with the Navy Ministry's interference in his power. As for Shigeto Izuwa, the head of the Education Headquarters who was completely marginalized, he watched the standoff with a smile. As for the generals of the four naval districts, although they did not have such strong opinions about the Navy Ministry, they were not particularly close to it either, and they preferred to stay out of it.

Therefore, Commander-in-Chief Kawahara quickly discovered that when he adopted a posture of confronting Navy Minister Yamamoto head-on, he did not provoke a united front against him. The seemingly powerful Yamamoto faction only controlled one Ministry of the Navy; other central agencies and naval districts did not unconditionally side with Yamamoto simply because of the idea of ​​a unified navy.

From this perspective, as long as the proposal put forward by the Military General Staff at this meeting is convincing enough, it's not impossible for the Military General Staff to gain the support of others. Just as Kawahara was pondering this, Yamamoto Gonnohyōe reached out and tapped the table, and Vice Minister Saitō immediately spoke up, "Everyone should be here by now. I think we can officially begin the meeting. So, please let Minister of the Sea preside over the meeting."

Yamamoto bowed slightly, about to speak, when a cough drew everyone's attention. When all eyes turned to Kawahara Kaname, he finally spoke: "Before the meeting, I'd like to convey a few words from Lord Ito. Although he was unable to attend in person, he is quite concerned about the future of the Navy. Therefore, he requested that I record the detailed discussions of today's meeting and send it to him afterward so he can understand everyone's vision for the Navy's future..."

Yamamoto was abruptly interrupted by Kawahara, leaving him feeling caught in a quandary, as if he couldn't exhale properly. However, since Kawahara had already made it clear that he was relaying a message from Ito Sukeyuki, he couldn't simply stop there. He could only nod to signal Kawahara to continue, though his expression grew even more unpleasant.

Chapter 550

Sunlight streamed through the window and shone onto the table by the window. Lin Xinyi, bathed in the sunlight, played chess with Domoto Kei, a game he had brought back from China. Tokyo's climate was actually similar to that of Ningbo and Shanghai. While the summer sun was indeed scorching and dizzying, the autumn sun was mostly gentle, only slightly warming the skin.

After experiencing the intense Indian sun, Lin Xinyi found it incredibly gentle. Playing chess under such sunlight was indeed very relaxing for him. However, he wasn't fully focused on the chessboard in front of him, as he was discussing the establishment of cultural courses with the others in the room.

"...Although the ministry has planned to use these three rooms on the first floor for the cultural studies classes, I think the ministry's idea for the cultural studies classes is too conservative. According to their idea, the cultural studies classes only need to set up a propaganda team to carry out propaganda according to the tasks given by the ministry. Wouldn't that make the cultural studies classes just do menial tasks? I estimate that the ministry will not give them more than 10 positions."

Sitting opposite Lin Xinyi, Tang Ben hesitated before pushing his carriage forward to block the other's horse, and chimed in, "Indeed, if you really were in charge of the cultural classes, even if we couldn't compete with the first class, we couldn't let the fourth class fall behind the second and third classes. However, the class monitor position for the fourth class is vacant. I wonder who will take over, and what their personality will be like."

Lin Xinyi repeatedly addressed the generals, then casually took Domoto's car. "Although we don't know who it is yet, it should be a meritorious member of the fleet, someone who has been promoted to rear admiral this time, or someone with high prestige among the captains. However, who becomes the fourth squad leader is not of much concern to us. Very few people in the navy understand intelligence work and cultural work. Just look at how they've almost turned the intelligence department into the second operations department; you can tell that these people have nothing but fighting in their minds."

Although the cultural studies department is under the command of the General Staff Headquarters, we must understand that we are developing a naval culture, not the culture of the General Staff Headquarters, nor a culture exclusively for the navy. Therefore, although the cultural studies department is subordinate to the General Staff Headquarters, we must have an independent working approach and an independent financial budget. Relying solely on the limited budget and staffing provided by the General Staff Headquarters, there will be little room for the cultural studies department to develop.

Therefore, in this publicity campaign for the naval naval battle, we need to first outline the future work plan and independent budget for the cultural studies department. This way, even if a new class leader takes office, they won't interfere too much with the work of the cultural studies department.

Domoto sighed and conceded defeat. Then, while rearranging the board, he asked, "The working approach can be independent, but how can the budget be independent? In the end, the money still has to be allocated from the General Staff Headquarters, right?"

Lin Xinyi nodded slightly but then shook his head and said, "The General Staff Department's funding is naturally subject to oversight, but when it comes to the Navy's external propaganda, we can't just think about spending money; we also need to find ways to make money. The important thing is to control a few media outlets so that they can support themselves and expand their social influence in normal times, and when we need them, they can obey our orders and release public opinion that leans towards our demands to influence the public. In return, we will provide them with political protection."

"Media?" Keiichi Domoto and Shunga Furukawa both looked at Shin-yi with some confusion. He calmly explained, "Newspapers and magazines are media, but media is not just newspapers and magazines. In my opinion, it takes a medium to spread one's thoughts to the public, just like a matchmaker is needed when arranging a blind date."

No matter how excellent an individual's ideas are, they cannot be effective if they cannot be conveyed to the public who need them through a suitable channel. Therefore, I call this channel of dissemination "media," because the work of the media is not fundamentally different from that of a matchmaker: to spread the right ideas to the right people, thereby creating a win-win situation for both parties. That is the work of the media.

In fact, entertainment venues during the Edo period were also a form of media. For example, the yozai that still exist in Tokyo today, where entertainers used rakugo and manzai to turn current events into jokes and satirize them. This was actually a form of ideological propaganda to the audience, only this propaganda was expressed through entertainment.

With the development of technology, the European invention of motion picture, which is what the Chinese call film, is also a medium. As long as the photographer transforms the ideas they want to express into images, the audience will feel them through the images.

Our naval publicity campaign this time will not be limited to newspaper and magazine reports, but will be conducted comprehensively through various media channels. The target audience is not only the educated class, but also those in the lower and middle classes who are less interested in current affairs; we will utilize media outlets accessible to them for our outreach efforts.

In the course of this propaganda work, we can select some popular media outlets to cooperate with the Navy, thus making them civilian partners in cultural education. In addition, we should also request that the various conglomerates or companies cooperating with the Navy place advertisements or make financial donations to the media we support, so that cultural education will effectively have access to some extra-budgetary funds…”

As the four people in the room were discussing something, they suddenly heard hurried footsteps coming from the corridor, and they immediately stopped talking. Soon, a man from the General Affairs Department appeared at the door. He glanced around the room, then breathed a sigh of relief and said to Lin Xinyi, "Lieutenant Lin, Vice Minister Togo wants you to go to the conference room now..."

When Lin Xinyi was led into the conference room, the once bustling room fell silent. Dozens of eyes turned to the door, scrutinizing the young officer in the rank of lieutenant. Togo Masashi quickly recovered and casually said to Saito, Matsumoto, and the others opposite him, "This is the writer of the investigation report. If you think any parts are untrue, you might as well ask him directly."

Upon seeing Lin Xinyi's appearance, Saito Minoru finally understood why Togo was so fearless. He originally thought that Lin Xinyi had not yet returned to Japan, and that this investigation report was just a summary brought back by someone else. Since the other people did not have the support of Ito Genro, they could raise questions on the grounds that the investigation report might not be true, thereby avoiding discussion of the new naval route proposed by the Naval General Staff.

Why avoid discussing it? Because the new naval roadmap proposed by the Naval General Staff exceeded their expectations. As one of the planners of the future development plan for the navy, Saito Minoru believed that the postwar navy could complete the Eight-Eight Fleet, consisting of eight 20,000-ton battleships and eight 18,000-ton armored cruisers, to replace the current Six-Six Fleet, which was already a fairly realistic development outline.

After all, this war had already depleted Japan's profits from the Sino-Japanese War and the national treasury's reserves of the past few years. To complete the formation of the Eight-Eight Fleet on the verge of national financial bankruptcy, while also competing with the army for a share of military spending, was the optimal goal for the navy. Moreover, Saito believed that no one but the Ministry of the Navy could accomplish this plan, since it was Navy Minister Yamamoto, not veteran Ito, who inherited the Satsuma clique. Ito could not possibly mobilize the entire Satsuma clique's resources to support him in completing this new naval fleet plan.

But who could have imagined that the Naval General Staff's new naval policy would not expand but shrink the navy? Although this new policy seems to have dealt a blow to the navy, a careful analysis reveals that it actually targets departments under the Ministry of the Navy. The Naval Construction Headquarters and the Education Headquarters, on the contrary, have gained new powers. While the four naval bases do not directly benefit from the new policy, they also do not gain any advantage in the Eight-Eight Fleet Plan. At least the officers who retire in the naval bases can enter relevant government agencies and industries under the guise of supporting local areas, thus securing a place for them after retirement.

Those truly dissatisfied with the Naval General Staff's new policy are the young officers on the ships, because the lack of an increase in the number of warships means they will have fewer suitable positions. However, these young officers currently have no authority to appear in this meeting room, so the Ministry of the Navy is inevitably isolated in the discussion of the Naval General Staff's new policy.

To avoid this unfavorable situation, Saito and Matsumoto could only desperately question the authenticity of the investigation report in order to fundamentally deny the rationality of the Naval General Staff's new line. As soon as they left the meeting room, Saito decided to immediately pass on the Naval General Staff's new line to the Combined Fleet Command in the field. As long as it aroused the anger of these meritorious officials, then the Naval General Staff's new line could not be discussed.

At such a moment, not only would Chief of Staff Kawahara and Elder Ito be powerless to suppress the officers and soldiers of the Combined Fleet who had achieved a great victory, but even the Emperor would not dare to punish these victorious naval commanders, lest it arouse the dissatisfaction of the naval officers.

However, Hayashi Shinji's appearance dashed Saito's hopes. Questioning the other party was not a problem, but trying to suppress him with power would inevitably provoke the dissatisfaction of Ito Genro, which would lead to a direct confrontation between Yamamoto Kaisho and Ito Genro. This would inevitably cause turmoil in the Navy and Satsuma, and he certainly could not afford to take that responsibility.

Matsumoto was unaware of Hayashi Shin's background. While Hayashi Shin's troubles were causing at the school, Matsumoto was still at the Naval Administration Headquarters and had no idea of ​​the important role Hayashi Shin's rise in the Naval General Staff. On the contrary, the Naval Academy President Sakamoto Toshitsu and the Education Director Izuwa Shigeto were both involved and had a very deep impression of Hayashi Shin's background.

Matsumoto tried to intimidate the young lieutenant with his rank of lieutenant general, forcing him to admit that his investigation report contained inaccuracies. However, his authority had little effect on Lin Xinyi. After experiencing the battle with the British army, it was difficult for him to feel any awe from ordinary people.

If in the past he relied on the soul of a time traveler to face Saigo and Ito, then now, in front of these naval commanders, his confidence stemmed from the solid experience gained on the battlefield. Matsumoto was a man Lin Xinyi had never heard of in his later life; he assumed he was a second-rate naval commander. Naturally, he felt no sense of authority emanating from him whatsoever. Historical figures like Togo Heihachiro or Ito Hirobumi might have made him nervous.

Therefore, Lin Xinyi calmly answered Matsumoto Kazu's questions, but did not respond to Matsumoto Kazu's many emotional remarks. To others, it seemed as if Lin Xinyi was lecturing Matsumoto Kazu.

This scene greatly spurred Matsumoto on. He wasn't asking a young lieutenant for advice; the other man was clearly disregarding him. But before he could raise any further questions, Yamamoto Gonbei finally spoke up, "Alright, there's no need to ask about the investigation report anymore. Let's continue discussing the new route. Lieutenant, you may leave."

Saito Minoru, like Matsumoto Kazuya beside him, was initially puzzled as to why Yamamoto Kaisei would so easily let this unreasonable young man go. However, Saito's peripheral vision caught sight of those people showing interest in Lin Xinyi, and he suddenly realized something. Many people knew that naval personnel had participated in the conflict between China and the British Indian government, but almost no one knew the extent of the Japanese role involved. Those who knew Lin Feng was Lin Xinyi were only himself, Yamamoto Kaisei, Kawahara, Togo, and perhaps Ito; those who had returned from India had long been silenced.

This investigation report is too realistic, and Lin Xinyi's explanation is too detailed, which makes one wonder what role this young lieutenant played in it. Once the relationship between Lin Feng and Lin Xinyi is exposed, these people will definitely investigate Lin Xinyi's background and eventually learn a lot. Even disregarding Lin Xinyi's personal abilities, his relationship with Saigo Tsugumichi and Ito Sukeyuki alone will cause many people to reconsider their stance.

Yamamoto Kaisō's intervention to end the interrogation of Hayashi Shin'ichi appeared to be an attempt to protect the young officer, but in reality, he didn't want Kawahara to drag Ito Genryū into the conflict through Hayashi Shin'ichi. There were two different concepts: Ito Genryū supporting Kawahara from behind the scenes and Ito Genryū personally getting involved. Yamamoto Kaisō didn't want a direct confrontation with Ito Genryū, given any possibility of it.

However, Togo clearly did not want Lin Xinyi to leave the meeting room. He had now realized that although the Navy Ministry bureaucrats led by Yamamoto were disliked by all parties, the authority that Yamamoto had accumulated through two personnel changes was still able to deter other non-mainstream factions. Even though the Naval General Staff had stepped forward to challenge the Navy Ministry, others were still unwilling to take the plunge until they saw an opportunity to win.

Since that's the case, he'd rather use Lin Xinyi to drag Ito Gensou into this mess, forcing others to choose sides between the Ministry of the Navy and the Naval General Staff. "Minister Yamamoto may not know, but Lieutenant Lin didn't just write the investigation report; he also proposed the framework for the Navy's new direction. It was after hearing Lieutenant Lin's report that Ito Gensou commissioned him to submit a detailed plan for our discussion. I think Lieutenant Lin can listen in, and if there's anything unclear, he can offer suggestions on the spot..."

Matsumoto Kazuya failed to grasp Togo Masamichi's implied meaning: the new naval strategy submitted by the Naval General Staff had been reported to Ito Genro. Although Hayashi Shinji was only a junior lieutenant, he understood Ito Genro's stance on the new naval strategy better than anyone else present.

He was still reeling from the earlier offense, and upon hearing Togo's words, he retorted without hesitation to Hayashi Shinichi, "I knew this new route had such a huge flaw! Turns out it was you, a mere greenhorn, who made it..."

Yamamoto looked at his confidant with a serious expression. He had never thought the man was so stupid. He had already made his intentions clear, yet this man still dragged Lin Xinyi into the meeting. Which side was he on?

"Empress Dowager Cixi of the Qing Dynasty would rather use the national treasury to build the Old Summer Palace than to add warships to the Beiyang Fleet. In contrast, in our country, from the Emperor to the common people, everyone would rather skip a meal than not add a warship to the navy. That's why we were able to defeat the Beiyang Fleet in the Sino-Japanese War and force the vast Qing Dynasty to sign the Treaty of Shimonoseki, paying us 2 million taels of silver in reparations... Your plan, however, wants to reduce military spending and prioritize economic development. Without the protection of the navy, no matter how well we build Japan, it's still building for others. What's the point of building?"

Upon hearing this, Yamamoto's forehead veins nearly bulged out. Sure enough, Lin Xinyi, standing at the other end of the long table, looked at Matsumoto and said calmly, "This congressman is absolutely right. As long as the members of parliament and the people share your thoughts, they will take the initiative to strengthen the navy. This is why I believe we should prioritize the development of industries in the Tokyo Bay area, since this region is all by the sea."

The better the Tokyo Bay area develops, the more the people will actively request a stronger navy to defend against enemies coming from the sea, even if we don't ask. This would eliminate the problems of military spending allocation between us and the army, which is why I advocate prioritizing development.”

Matsumoto stood there, mouth agape, pointing a finger at Lin Xinyi, momentarily speechless. Saito Minoru had to intervene to smooth things over, saying, "Lieutenant, aren't you just being unreasonable? If a foreign enemy really intends to attack Japan, how could we possibly have time to develop? Building a new warship takes at least a year, equipping it with weapons and conducting sea trials takes another year, and integrating it into the existing fleet to achieve normal combat capability takes at least six months. Even if everything is simplified, it still takes two years from planning to achieving combat readiness. That's the flaw in Lieutenant General Matsumoto's argument. This isn't a game where the people feel threatened today and the navy conjures a fleet tomorrow..."

Chapter 551

"Thank you for the addition, Vice Minister Saito. However, we had already considered this issue before deliberating on a new naval strategy. Yes, it does take time to go from recognizing the danger to strengthening the navy. So, after this war, which navies can still threaten our country? It's just the four countries of Britain, France, Germany, and the United States. Other countries' navies cannot launch an attack on our country with their current strength."

Britain, France, and Germany are currently locked in a power struggle. If we were to pinpoint where the next war between the great powers would break out, I believe it would be either in Eastern Europe or along the Mediterranean coast. The likelihood of conflicts between the great powers erupting in other parts of the world has been greatly reduced.

Because of the antagonism between the two major camps in Europe, the US Navy is unlikely to abandon the protection of its most valuable Atlantic coastline to compete with my country in East Asia. At least until the Panama Canal opens, the Americans will not object to my country's maritime control in the Western Pacific; doing so would only give us a reason to interfere in Central American affairs and hinder the construction of the Panama Canal.

Based on my analysis of the international political situation, I believe that in the next 10 to 20 years, East Asia, or the Pacific region, will usher in a rare period of peaceful development, similar to Europe after the Crimean War.

Through analysis of the navies of various countries, I believe that a true navy should consist of two parts: a naval organization representing immediate combat power, and an industrial base representing potential combat power. Why make this distinction? Because a navy without industrial support is a disposable fleet. The Qing Dynasty's Beiyang Fleet and the Russian Navy were such disposable fleets. Therefore, as long as we destroy the existing fleets of these two countries, we don't need to worry about them recovering their strength in the short term.

However, the navies of Britain, France, Germany, and the United States are fleets built upon their strong domestic industrial capabilities. Even if we are fortunate enough to win once or twice, they can quickly expand their navies to a larger scale. Before we can destroy these countries' industrial capabilities, we cannot defeat them. In view of this, I believe that the most important task for our navy at present is to make up for its shortcomings, namely its industrial base, rather than simply increasing the number of warships.

It should be understood that we live in an era of continuous technological advancement, and the performance of naval warships is inextricably linked to technology. The design of a single battleship equipped with all heavy guns has already rendered older capital warships obsolete. Therefore, instead of focusing on the quantity of warships, it would be more appropriate to keep pace with global technological progress and prioritize improving the performance of naval warships.

Lin Xinyi seized the opportunity to explain the origins of the new naval strategy. After all, he was not qualified enough to speak freely at this meeting and could only accept passive questioning.

However, his explanation did attract some attention. Before Saito could respond, Naval War College President Toshitsu Sakamoto couldn't help but ask him, "What concept did you refer to when you mentioned 'immediate combat power' and 'potential combat power'?"

Lin Xinyi shook his head and said, "I haven't seen any relevant claims yet, but after referring to a series of war histories after the Napoleonic Wars, I found that countries with stronger industrial power had longer-lasting combat capabilities in wars, so I came to this conclusion."

Sakamoto Toshitsu glanced at Saito Minoru, whose complexion wasn't very good, and nodded to Hayashi Shinichi, saying, "Write an article when you get back. I want to study the relationship between these two things."

While Toshiaki Sakamoto didn't directly voice his support for the new naval policy, his actions clearly indicated that he personally felt it was worth exploring, which was undoubtedly a slap in the face to Matsumoto. However, even Navy Minister Yamamoto couldn't criticize Sakamoto for this, as the Naval War College has a duty to explore cutting-edge naval theories. Sakamoto's interest in the new naval theory proposed by Nobuyoshi Hayashi was simply fulfilling his duties, not a provocation against the Ministry of the Navy.

Sakamoto's remarks signaled a shift in the direction of the Generals' Council, something Yamamoto Gonnohyōe had been worried about. The Generals' Council was originally an institution assisting the Minister of the Navy, with many members appointed by him. However, Yamamoto Gonnohyōe had centralized too much power, causing the Council to lose its original meaning. Yamamoto didn't need anyone else's assistance; he only needed obedience from his subordinates. Thus, the Council became a mere formality. While ostensibly important naval matters required approval at the Council, it was essentially just a platform for Yamamoto to announce his decisions.

When the members of the Generals' Council can no longer represent the interests of their respective departments, the council becomes a one-man show. The independence of the Naval General Staff meant that Yamamoto lost complete control over the Generals' Council. No matter how he selected them, he could only choose those few people, while those in powerless and marginalized positions would obviously not be of one mind with him at the Generals' Council.

Perhaps these people don't yet have the courage to confront the Navy Ministry head-on like the Naval General Staff, but they certainly won't easily let go of the opportunity to sabotage the Navy Ministry within the rules. Yamamoto didn't want Hayashi Nobuyoshi to stay because Hayashi, who was only a lieutenant, spoke without restraint, and these councilors supporting Hayashi Nobuyoshi could also avoid openly taking sides between the Naval General Staff and the Navy Ministry. The forces that were originally outside the war between the Naval General Staff and the Navy Ministry can now finally enter the fray.

Matsumoto hadn't yet noticed the change in the atmosphere at the meeting and was still trying to attack Lin Xinyi's assessment of the opposition between the two major camps in Europe. Yamamoto could only give Saito a look, signaling him to end the entanglement between Matsumoto and Lin Xinyi. He didn't want a third party to vote in favor of Lin Xinyi and side with the Military General Staff.

Saito then interrupted Matsumoto, saying unreasonably, "Perhaps Lieutenant Hayashi's analysis does have some merit, but I don't believe that strengthening the industrial base and expanding the navy are contradictory; we can certainly pursue both simultaneously..."