Twentieth Century Chronicle

Page 126

To prevent such conflict, it is necessary to cut off international capital's war loans to Japan, preventing Japan from embarking on another military adventure and thus awakening the Japanese people from their imperialist delusions. This will also help spread laborist ideas among the Japanese working class…

After a moment's thought, Tian Junyi admitted that Lin Xinyi's idea was indeed correct. If Russia had to withdraw from Korea and Manchuria under the cooperation between China and Japan, then the contradictions between China and Japan would escalate. At that time, Russia would probably choose to cooperate with Japan. After all, when Japan claimed rights in Manchuria, it would force China to make concessions to Russia, thereby preserving some of Russia's privileges in Manchuria, Outer Mongolia, and Xinjiang.

He then asked Chen Jingcun, "So how will Comrade Lin Feng cut off international capital support for Russia and Japan?"

Chen Jingcun first took a deep breath, and then said while seriously recalling: "Last year's San Francisco earthquake caused turmoil in the financial markets of the United States and London. In addition, our presence in India has dealt a significant blow to the London financial market."

Therefore, the London financial market has begun to experience a shortage of funds. In order to prevent gold from continuing to flow out, the Bank of England has raised its benchmark interest rate from 3.5% before September last year to 6% now. The Bank of England is a bellwether for the central banks of European countries. When it starts to raise interest rates, other countries have no choice but to follow suit, otherwise their liquidity will also be insufficient.

The booming US stock market relies heavily on European investment. Interest rate hikes by European central banks have led European investors to gradually withdraw liquidity from the US stock market, resulting in a steady decline in the New York stock market since October of last year. However, Americans haven't grasped this, believing it's merely a temporary phenomenon and that the US economic boom will continue.

However, under the international gold standard, only gold is considered currency, and national currencies are virtually uncirculated in the international market. The reason Americans believe the US economy can continue to prosper is because the US financial market has not yet reached a point of settlement. Once Americans realize that their gold reserves cannot fully correspond to the circulating US dollar bills and notes, they will quickly sell their bills and notes to exchange for gold.

Some in Britain have already discovered this loophole and are gearing up to make a big splash in the US stock market. Therefore, when the US stock market is attacked by international capital, neither Russia, Japan, nor even my country will be able to borrow any cash from the international market.

Comrade Lin Feng's opinion was that, before the British took any action, we should borrow as much money as possible from the international market, since it would be impossible for anyone to borrow money internationally in the second half of the year. Of course, the best way would be to issue government bonds in the US market, and then, when US securities prices plummeted, to redeem the bonds at a low price, thereby earning a short-term profit…”

Tian Junyi naturally attached great importance to the opinions of Comrade Lin Feng brought back by Chen Jingcun, and held a small-scale discussion within the Party's Central Committee. At this time, Cai E also rushed back to Wuhan from Zhangjiakou and gave the Party Central Committee a relatively detailed report on the upcoming Northern Campaign.

At this briefing, Cai E clearly stated to the Central Committee members the purpose of the Northern Front Committee in launching this campaign: "...We have only one goal, which is to decide the outcome in one battle, to cut off the Trans-Siberian Railway, sever Russia's connection with the Far East, and thus force Russia to sit at the negotiating table and end this war."

The sole objective of this operation is Ulan-Ude on the Trans-Siberian Railway. Once we control the Transbaikal-Selenga Valley, Russia's attempt to launch a counterattack and reopen the Trans-Siberian Railway will not be a task that can be accomplished in just a few months. And without European resources and manpower, the Russian army in the Far East cannot hold out for more than six months…”

The reason Cai E rushed back to report to the Central Committee was to hope that the Central Committee would increase its support for the Northern Front Committee. Before this, Cai E had not thought about this operation plan in detail, so his report to the Central Committee was based on the objective of retaking Kulun, which threatened the Trans-Siberian Railway. However, after several months of detailed field investigations, mainly the practical application of automobile transportation capabilities, Cai E had much more confidence in raising the operational objective.

Previously, although Cai E believed that the capacity of automobile transportation surpassed that of camel caravans and wagons, he still thought that even relying on automobile transportation, it would be difficult to complete the transfer of 30,000 tons of goods before May. However, he soon realized that his judgment was wrong. With the support of German industry, the reliability of automobiles improved rapidly, and Wuhan provided nearly 500 trucks to the north before December, ensuring the continuity of transportation.

Faced with the unexpected benefits of road transport, Cai E and the commanders of the Front Committee believed that a direct attack on the Trans-Siberian Railway was not an impossible plan. The Russians were completely unaware of the advantages of road transport. The reason Russia abandoned its plan to directly attack Inner Mongolia from Kulun was its lack of capacity to transport large quantities of supplies across the steppes. The attack route via Uliastai was actually a longer detour, but that route was suitable for cavalry advances, only to be disrupted by an earthquake.

Therefore, the Russian defenses in the Kulun-Zabaikal region were very weak at this time. As long as logistics could keep up, Cai E believed that he had no problem capturing Ulan-Ude. However, holding out in the Ulan-Ude region meant that the later investment would be enormous. He estimated that Wuhan would need to prepare at least 100 million silver dollars for the war effort. From the start of the war until now, Wuhan had only spent 160 million silver dollars on this war.

Chapter 448 Shinagawa Conference

While Wuhan was discussing operational plans to cut off the Trans-Siberian Railway, Admiral Togo Heihachiro, commander of the Japanese Combined Fleet, disembarked at Tokyo Station and was immediately taken by a waiting carriage to the Naval General Staff building in Shinagawa.

Compared to the Navy Ministry building in Kasumigaseki, the Naval General Staff building appears much more imposing. This is not to say that the Naval General Staff building is more luxurious, but rather that there are two identical buildings next to the Navy Ministry building, namely the Ministry of Justice and the Supreme Court. In addition, it is close to the Imperial Palace. Therefore, although the Navy Ministry is located in the center of power - Kasumigaseki, it is not unique. However, in Shinagawa, the Naval General Staff building stands out from the crowd and is unique in the surrounding fields and houses.

Therefore, in the Shinagawa region, the Naval General Staff building represents the highest symbol of power in the area. Togo Heihachiro alighted from his carriage and gazed at the Naval General Staff building for a while, only one thought echoing in his mind: "Better to be the head of a chicken than the tail of an ox."

Soon, staff officers from the Naval General Staff came to greet Togo and take him upstairs. In the large conference room on the east side of the third floor, in a room with an excellent view of Tokyo Bay, high-ranking officials from the Ministry of the Navy and the Naval General Staff had already gathered. Upon seeing Commander Togo's arrival, everyone stood up to salute him and congratulated the Combined Fleet on its achievements.

Togo Heihachiro didn't take these compliments to heart. After all, the Port Arthur Fleet hadn't been destroyed, and the Russian Second Pacific Fleet had already set sail for Asia. The Combined Fleet hadn't yet truly secured victory in the naval battle against Russia.

Just as Togo was exchanging pleasantries with his colleagues, Prime Minister Ito entered the room accompanied by Minister of State Yamamoto and Minister of State Kawahara, thus officially ending the conversation inside.

Ito Sukeyuki, seated at the head of the table, addressed the naval officers in the conference room: "The main reason His Majesty has summoned you all for this meeting is that he still has reservations about the decisive naval battle against Russia. Therefore, he has entrusted me to hear your battle plans and resolve. If you encounter any difficulties, please raise them as well, and then the Navy's opinion will be reported to His Majesty..."

Upon hearing this, Togo Heihachiro immediately understood. Clearly, the recent activity of the Russian Vladivostok flotilla had alarmed the public, causing the Imperial Household to doubt the navy's operational plans. The concern was whether the Russian fleet in Port Arthur would make any unusual moves while the Combined Fleet sailed south to confront the Russian Second Pacific Fleet, which had come from afar.

Compared to the Russian Vladivostok Squadron, the Port Arthur Fleet, despite losing several warships, is still far stronger. If this fleet becomes active after the Combined Fleet heads south, how can the security of the Japanese coast be guaranteed? This is indeed a worrying issue for the Imperial Household Agency.

Togo Heihachiro couldn't help but turn his gaze to Navy Minister Yamamoto. Yamamoto was actually under the most pressure. When Russian ships appeared outside Tokyo Bay, Tokyo residents not only smashed Uemura's house but also protested in front of the Ministry of the Navy. As a result, Yamamoto's mentality became more conservative, and he began to doubt the plan to go south to confront the Russian Pacific Second Fleet in a decisive battle.

Before he boarded the train, the Minister of the Navy, Yamamoto, sent him a telegram expressing his concerns about the decisive battle in the south. Yamamoto's concerns were mainly twofold: first, he worried that the Russian fleet would not dock at Cam Ranh Bay; second, he worried that the Combined Fleet would miss the Russian fleet at sea. In that case, the Russian fleet would have entered the undefended area around the Japanese archipelago, and he, as the Minister of the Navy, would obviously bear full responsibility.

The bureaucratic nature of those in power was vividly displayed in Yamamoto, the Minister of the Navy. Even with meticulous pre-war plans, these bureaucrats would lose their composure at the slightest unexpected turn of events during implementation. Although Togo Heihachiro believed that the current situation was still in line with the Naval General Staff's pre-war plans, and that the activity of the Russian Vladivostok fleet, while somewhat unexpected, did not change the Combined Fleet's control of East Asian maritime power.

To doubt one's entire plan simply because of the outstanding performance of a few admirals in the Russian Navy is clearly the worst possible course of action. Of course, as someone recommended by Minister of the Navy Yamamoto to be the commander of the Combined Fleet, Togo Heihachiro could not abandon his factional stance and side with the Naval General Staff.

Faced with Prime Minister Ito's inquiry, he could only express the concerns on behalf of Minister of the Navy Yamamoto: "...Although our army has occupied Vladivostok, thus resolving the maritime threat in the north, the strength of the Port Arthur fleet remains. Therefore, the window of opportunity for the Combined Fleet to sail south will not be long, because as long as the Russian fleet in Port Arthur reacts and tries to break out of the port, or sail south to meet the Russian Second Pacific Fleet, or directly attack the mainland, it will cause us unpredictable disasters."

Therefore, there are two key points to the decisive battle in the south: first, whether we can keep track of the whereabouts of the Russian Second Pacific Fleet in a timely manner; and second, whether we can determine whether the Russian Second Pacific Fleet will enter the decisive battle location we have chosen.

If the above two problems cannot be solved, then the Joint Fleet might as well wait in the Yellow Sea. After all, the Russian Second Pacific Fleet now only has one destination: Port Arthur. As long as we block Port Arthur, we will naturally be able to wait for the Russian Second Pacific Fleet to appear before us…”

As commander of the Combined Fleet, Admiral Togo Heihachiro's attitude was crucial. After all, no one can allow a commander to carry out an operational plan they don't want to complete; that would be gambling with the war. Japan simply couldn't afford to lose even once, which is why Minister of State for Marine Yamamoto first sent a telegram requesting Admiral Togo Heihachiro's support.

Togo Heihachiro's speech did indeed make everyone in the conference room look serious. Although Togo did not directly deny the plans made by the Naval General Staff before the war, his proposals did hit the Naval General Staff's weak point: the inability to guarantee against unexpected situations. If the Combined Fleet heading south missed the Russian Second Pacific Fleet, or if the remaining Russian fleet in Port Arthur took advantage of the Combined Fleet's southward advance to fight to the death, it would bring great uncertainty to the subsequent operations.

In response to the question posed by Togo Heihachiro, Chief of Staff Kawahara gave a wink to Vice Minister Togo Masamichi, who immediately stood up and said, "The British have been continuously informing us of the movements of the Russian Second Pacific Fleet. We can now confirm that the main ships of the Russian Second Pacific Fleet left the island of Bea in the waters off Madagascar two weeks ago and sailed into the depths of the Indian Ocean. A week ago, the British informed us that their merchant ships spotted the Russian fleet in this location..."

As he spoke, Togo Masamichi walked to a map hanging on the wall and pointed to a location in the lower part of the Indian Ocean. Then he addressed the group, saying, "Next, let's talk about our Military Command's intelligence unit's monitoring of the Russian Second Pacific Fleet. Two years ago, we partnered with Japanese shipping companies and British and American shipping companies to establish an international maritime disaster relief radio station in the Pacific and Indian Oceans."

The main idea of ​​this radio station is to ensure the safer navigation of merchant ships from various countries on the oceans. Merchant ships will regularly communicate with radio stations in different regions, reporting sea conditions and weather. These regional radio stations will then compile the sea condition and weather information for their respective areas, assess the approach of severe weather, and issue warnings to merchant ships passing through the area. If a merchant ship encounters a maritime accident in this area, the radio station will notify nearby merchant ships to provide assistance or dispatch specialized rescue vessels to search for the missing ship.

Within six months of its establishment, the radio station saved at least tens of millions of yen in shipping losses. As a result, a year ago, insurance companies from various countries began reaching agreements with the station. They requested the station to provide real-time information on insured vessels, in return for subsidies from the insurance companies to upgrade the ship's communication equipment to ensure the station could distinguish the characteristics of different vessels.

Masahiro Togo then reached out and pulled down a drawing board with a line drawn on it. Those present could tell that it was a map of the Indian Ocean, and the dotted line appeared to be a navigation mark for ships.

Just as everyone was filled with doubt, Togo Masamichi looked at them seriously and said, "Just as you all guessed, this is the location of the Russian Pacific Fleet. We have confirmed that their sailing direction is the Strait of Malacca, and they are expected to arrive in a week."

Why were we so certain? Because the German convoy supplying coal to the Russian fleet was under our complete surveillance in the Indian Ocean. By tracking the German convoy's direction, we also tracked the Russian fleet's movements. Neither the Russians nor the British knew this.

We have already deployed personnel in Singapore to verify this fact. In addition, we have mobilized a number of fishing vessels to the area between the Strait of Malacca and the Taiwan Strait; no matter which direction the Russian ships head, they will not escape our surveillance.

Therefore, the Combined Fleet could depart for Kaohsiung upon the arrival of the Russian fleet in Singapore, and then proceed to Yulin Port to prepare for its final attack once the Russian fleet had confirmed its destination, Cam Ranh Bay. The General Staff believed that our plan was without flaws.

Kawahara then picked up where Vice Minister Togo left off, saying, "Commander Togo, is the Combined Fleet confident of engaging the Russian Fleet in a decisive battle at Port Arthur and achieving victory?"

Now even Togo Heihachiro was stunned. The Naval General Staff's intelligence work had reached this level; to say at this point that the General Staff's plan had flaws would be difficult to justify. The General Staff's advocacy for a decisive southward campaign was based on a strategic assumption of overwhelming the enemy with superior numbers—that is, to annihilate the dispersed Russian forces when they could not concentrate in one place, ultimately forming a superior combined fleet and gaining control of the sea. This was also the theoretical basis for the Combined Fleet's risky, undeclared attack on the Russian navy.

The shift to a conservative strategy at this juncture served two purposes: first, it negated the necessity of the initial surprise attack; second, it meant that if problems arose during the decisive battle at Port Arthur, he would bear the responsibility. Although Togo Heihachiro wanted to maintain the same stance as Yamamoto Kaisei, it did not mean he was willing to risk his life to guarantee that the Combined Fleet would not encounter problems in the decisive battle outside Port Arthur.

Under Togo Heihachiro's watchful gaze, Yamamoto Kaisei hesitated for a long time before finally refusing to support Togo's strategy of waiting for the enemy to tire themselves out. Having tracked the movements of the Russian Second Pacific Fleet, whether it was encircling and annihilating the Russian fleet at Cam Ranh Bay or intercepting it in the Taiwan Strait, it was clearly better than foolishly waiting outside Port Arthur. If the Russian Second Pacific Fleet didn't rush towards Port Arthur but instead attacked Tokyo Bay directly, he wouldn't have enough heads to atone for his sins.

Chapter 449 Confirmation

Because Minister of the Sea, Yamamoto, dared not take on the political responsibility of making the final decision, and mainly because the citizens of Tokyo had too little psychological resilience, the mere presence of the Russian warships on the edge of Tokyo Bay was enough to trigger a riot among the citizens of Tokyo.

Therefore, Minister of the Navy Yamamoto had to consider the terrible consequences: if an entire Russian fleet appeared off the coast of Japan, would the people demand that he apologize and take responsibility? Even if the Combined Fleet eventually managed to defeat the Russian fleet, the people would not attribute the victory to him, but would only remember that his decision gave the Russian fleet the opportunity to attack the Japanese mainland.

The reason he had Togo Heihachiro propose a conservative battle plan to overturn the plan to march south and engage in battle was because he lacked confidence in the southward campaign and wanted the Naval General Staff to bear the political pressure of this decision. However, the Naval General Staff's actions shifted the blame to Togo Heihachiro. If he were to stand up and support Togo Heihachiro at this point, it would mean that both of their political futures would be tied to this decisive battle.

Togo Heihachiro might still be able to stick to his own ideas, but Yamamoto Kaisō ultimately lacked the courage to take such a desperate gamble. After all, he couldn't see why he should risk most of his life's efforts on this one bet. If they followed the Military General Staff's plan, at least the responsibility wouldn't fall entirely on his faction.

Since Yamamoto Kaisho, as a faction leader, was unwilling to step forward and take responsibility, Togo Heihachiro naturally took a step back and accepted the Naval General Staff's suggestion to first see if the Naval General Staff's intelligence network was effective. If the Russian Second Pacific Fleet really entered the Strait of Malacca a week later, then they would continue south to meet the enemy. If the Russian fleet appeared elsewhere, then the Combined Fleet would adopt a conservative tactic and wait outside Port Arthur.

The Ministry of the Navy, the Naval General Staff, and the Combined Fleet finally reached a consensus within the Navy, and Prime Minister Ito decided to submit the unified plan for the Navy to the Imperial Household Agency. Although the meeting seemed to be going smoothly, the high-ranking naval officers present realized that the Yamamoto faction, which was dominated by the Saigo-Satsuma lineage, was being suppressed by the Naval General Staff faction led by Ito.

If the Ito faction within the Navy previously relied solely on the prestige of Ito, then this meeting demonstrates that the Naval General Staff has developed its own independent consciousness and strength. Even without Ito's intervention, the Naval General Staff now possesses the capability to confront the Ministry of the Navy and the Combined Fleet.

In the past, when discussing the army, one had to mention the three major government departments, because no single department could represent the army. However, when discussing the navy, one only needed to focus on the Ministry of the Navy, because the Naval General Staff and the Combined Fleet could not express their opinions without the Ministry of the Navy.

At this meeting, the Naval General Staff clearly stated that its position was different from that of the Ministry of the Navy. Although the Combined Fleet questioned the Naval General Staff from the perspective of Minister of the Navy Yamamoto, this also meant that the Combined Fleet had the possibility of becoming independent of the Ministry of the Navy, although this could not be demonstrated at present.

For the Navy Ministry officials of Yamamoto's faction, this situation was undoubtedly a manifestation of organizational chaos. However, for the naval commanders marginalized by the Satsuma faction, it represented a transformative change—the very change they had hoped for that would break the rigid system within the organization. Non-Satsuma naval commanders, of course, did not want to see themselves given priority in promotions and positions simply because they were not from Satsuma.

Ito Sukeyuki was unaware of the thoughts of these non-Satsuma naval commanders. Although he advocated for Satsuma people to lead the navy, he knew that if he did not unite the non-Satsuma leaders, he would not be able to control the Naval General Staff. Therefore, he made concessions on this issue.

Even though Ito is now a veteran of the Navy, without the support of a core group within the Navy, how can he represent the Emperor in controlling the Navy? In the end, wouldn't he just become a puppet of the Navy pushed to His Majesty by Minister of the Navy Yamamoto? Therefore, no matter how much Minister of the Navy Yamamoto criticizes him, Ito will never give up control of the Naval General Staff.

Just look at Yamagata Aritomo's control over the army. He could appoint whoever he wanted as Minister of the Army, or whoever he wanted as Chief of the General Staff. The army's three major departments were like three most loyal servants in front of Yamagata. To put it bluntly, Yamagata Aritomo was more than just the father of the army; he was practically the embodiment of the army's personality.

Where does Yamagata's control over the army come from? Isn't it because the high-ranking generals in the army are all Choshu faction members personally promoted by Yamagata? Without these Choshu generals who are completely obedient to Yamagata, how could Yamagata have the ability to interfere in army personnel matters?

As Lin Xinyi once told him, "The so-called elder statesmen are not defined by their talent or virtue, but by the fact that they represent a force beyond the Emperor's control. The Emperor reigns supreme, ruling with a hand in hand, but the actual rulers are the elder statesmen. What the elder statesmen govern is not the country, but the exchange of interests among various factions. Therefore, although Duke Konoe Atsumaro is of noble lineage and possesses extraordinary insight, he cannot be an elder stateman because he cannot represent any particular faction..."

Therefore, Hayashi Shin-yi argued that even if he accepted the mandate to form a cabinet, he must not abandon the Naval General Staff, because a veteran who cannot control the navy cannot secure the position of prime minister. Ito Sukeyuki didn't think so at first, but now he increasingly felt that Hayashi Shin-yi was right.

The idea that a transition from military officer to politician should mean abandoning interference in military personnel matters is clearly an outdated view. If Yamamoto, the Minister of the Navy, cannot be kept in check, even the Navy will not support his policies, let alone the Army, which is constantly trying to sabotage him.

After the meeting, Prime Minister Ito did not leave immediately. He went to Kawahara's office for a while, not only to inquire about the current situation of the Military General Staff, but also to ask about Hayashi Shin-yoshi.

Kawahara quickly reported to Ito, "Our personnel have made contact with them. Several Marine Corps cadets who went with Hayashi Shin-yi have returned. Vice Minister Togo has arranged for them to stay in his office in Singapore and will transfer them back to Tokyo in a while. However, cadet Hayashi Shin-yi did not return with them. He did write a letter for them to take back, and I have already had it mailed back to Tokyo via diplomatic parcel. I will report to Your Excellency as soon as the letter arrives."

Ito couldn't help but scratch his head and said, "What is he still doing there? Hasn't Britain already decided to reconcile with China? Doesn't he know that the longer he stays there, the easier it is for him to expose his true identity? It's really a headache."

After thinking for a few seconds, Kawahara said, "Given his current status, it's really not appropriate for him to disappear suddenly. The British are probably keeping an eye on him. I think it would be better for him to stay there a little longer, until the British really relax, before disappearing. But what should we do with him when he comes back?"

Ito said irritably, "What's the point of 'arranging' him? Just let him stay in Tokyo and behave himself for a few years. Once people forget about him, this matter will be over..."

On February 9, the First Fleet, led by Rozhestvensky, passed through the Strait of Malacca. Although the British did not welcome the Russians, they allowed the Russians to replenish their fresh water and food in Singapore, but prohibited them from going ashore and did not allow the Russian fleet to stay in Singapore for more than 72 hours.

On February 10, Admiral Togo Heihachiro, commander of the Combined Fleet stationed in Jinhae Bay on the Korean Peninsula, received a telegram forwarded from Tokyo. The telegram confirmed that the Russian fleet had indeed transited the Strait of Malacca on schedule. Furthermore, only some of the main warships of the Russian Second Pacific Fleet had arrived at the Strait of Malacca, without any other auxiliary warships. Only transport ships accompanied them.

Upon receiving this news, the staff officers of the Combined Fleet Command immediately suggested to Togo Heihachiro that they go into battle. The first staff officer, Akiyama Saneyuki, said to Commander Togo: "The arrival of the Russian Second Pacific Fleet in batches is simply a godsend for our country."

The nine main warships, without the protection of auxiliary vessels, freed themselves from the burden of auxiliary ships and greatly enhanced their mobility. However, this also meant that these Russian ships would have a difficult time defending against a surprise attack from our fleet. Whether they headed for Cam Ranh Bay or forced their way through the Taiwan Strait, it was impossible for our combined fleet to concentrate its forces and strike them.

What worries us now is that these Russian ships will be waiting in the south for the arrival of their auxiliary fleet, which will make it more difficult for us to annihilate them…”

Togo Heihachiro knew that such an opportunity was fleeting. Nine capital ships meant that subsequent Russian flotillas would likely have few capital ships. The Russian Second Pacific Fleet's risky move was clearly aimed at forcibly breaking through the Combined Fleet's blockade to Port Arthur, which was why it was sending its capital ships ahead alone, leaving the slower, smaller warships behind.

Commander Togo Heihachiro, with a gambler's mentality, believed he would have difficulty intercepting this squadron outside Port Arthur, and could not allow it to gather its reinforcements in the south. Therefore, on February 11th, Togo ordered the First and Second Combined Fleets to sail south to Taiwan.

On February 15, Togo Heihachiro, who had arrived in Kaohsiung, received the latest news that the Russian fleet had turned toward the Vietnamese coastline. He then ordered the Fourth Fleet to come to Kaohsiung to rendezvous and to continue to monitor the movements of the Russian fleet.

To be honest, after arriving in Singapore, Rozhestvensky initially intended to sail directly to Port Arthur, but he soon discovered that his fleet lacked the capability to sail directly to Port Arthur. German merchant ships refused to cross the 17th parallel north because Japan had lodged a formal protest with Germany, which did not want to get involved in the war.

Therefore, Rozhestvensky had to abandon his plan to sail directly to Port Arthur and instead prepare to find a port on the Vietnamese coast to replenish coal, fresh water, and food supplies, establish contact with the Russian forces in Manchuria, and then head north. Rozhestvensky also knew that while his First Fleet had sufficient offensive power, it was inadequate for prolonged warfare and dealing with surprise attacks from small Chinese and Japanese warships. Therefore, he needed to find an opportunity to rendezvous with the fleet at Port Arthur before he could consider the issue of vying for control of the sea with the Japanese fleet.

Chapter 450 The Dawn of the End of the Far East War

With the fall of Vladivostok and the recall of Far East Governor Alekseev to St. Petersburg for questioning, Kuropatkin could no longer easily shift the blame for the defeat in the Battle of Liaoyang onto Alekseev.

In early February, General Oscar Gripenberger, former commander of the Verna Military District, arrived in Fengtian (Shenyang) and officially assumed the post of commander of the Second Army. Upon taking office, Gripenberger immediately proposed a plan to counterattack the Japanese army. He did not only make this suggestion to Kuropatkin, but also submitted his plan to St. Petersburg.

This greatly displeased Kuropatkin with the newly appointed commander-in-chief of the Second Army. He felt that the new commander was not proposing a plan to counterattack the Japanese, but rather an attempt to oust him. How could he not be familiar with the new commander's methods? After all, when he himself came to serve as commander-in-chief of the Far East Army, he had used the same method to undermine the Far East Governor-General Alekseev's command over the army.

Regarding the Battle of Liaoyang, Kuropatkin did not consider it a defeat for the Russian army, but rather a strategic retreat. He believed that Russia was actually stronger than Japan and China, but the Russian army in the Far East was not the elite force of the Russian army. On the contrary, Japan and China brought out their own elite troops.

Therefore, limiting the scale of the war to a small extent was actually disadvantageous to the Russian army. By accumulating strength in the Far East and then overwhelming the elite forces of Japan and China with a large-scale battle, victory would surely belong to Russia. Thus, after the Battle of Liaoyang, Kuropatkin proposed to St. Petersburg to strengthen the Far East forces and then launch a decisive battle in the Fengtian or Harbin area after spring.

However, Kuropatkin's idea of ​​avoiding battle to accumulate strength before launching a decisive attack was not actually agreed upon by the army commanders below him or by St. Petersburg. Apart from the commander of the Fourth Army, who lacked seniority and had no ambition for the position of Commander-in-Chief of the Far East Army, General Nikolai Lenavich of the First Army, General Oscar Gripenberger of the Second Army, and General Alexander Kaulbas of the Third Army all considered replacing Kuropatkin.

The only thing that comforted Kuropatkin was that these three generals not only looked down on him, but they also looked down on each other, considering the other two "scoundrels and incompetent fools." This meant that Kuropatkin wouldn't be jointly resisted by the three generals. For example, when General Oscar Gripenberger scoffed at Kuropatkin's idea of ​​avoiding war, the other two generals fell silent.

However, in private, the other two generals were also dissatisfied with Kuropatkin's passive approach to warfare. After all, at that time, the Russian military academy most admired Suvorov, followed by Napoleon. Although Kutuzov was great, his tactical ideas were no longer popular. At that time, the most popular tactics in Europe were offensive tactics. Only by attacking could victory be achieved. This had almost become an imprint on the minds of European soldiers.

Kuropatkin's plan was naturally refuted by St. Petersburg, which mainly criticized him on three points: First, the combined population of China and Japan is three times that of Russia, so from a manpower perspective, Russia has no chance of winning; second, the harsh winter has always been a friend of the Russians, so when have they ever been afraid of fighting in winter? Third, the Russian army already has a manpower and firepower advantage in the Far East, so how much of an advantage does Kuropatkin need to achieve before he will launch an attack?

There are still things that St. Petersburg hasn't said. Although Kuropatkin said that the Russian army did not lose the Battle of Liaoyang, international opinion generally believes that the Russian army that retreated from the front line was the losing side. This opinion has already caused the Russian government bonds to fall. At this time, what is the point of Kuropatkin emphasizing that the Battle of Liaoyang was not a failure?

Faced with dissatisfaction from both his superiors and subordinates, General Gripenberger proposed a counterattack plan to St. Petersburg, which naturally aroused Kuropatkin's resentment. Because of St. Petersburg's support for General Gripenberger, Kuropatkin had no choice but to accept the plan to counterattack the Japanese army.

Meanwhile, news arrived from St. Petersburg that the main force of the Second Pacific Fleet had arrived in Vietnam. Kuropatkin then urged Admiral Gripenberger to launch his counterattack plan as soon as possible. When the Japanese army was attacked, they would inevitably transport a large number of troops and supplies to reinforce the front line, thereby tying down a part of the Japanese navy's strength and providing some assistance for the main force of the Second Pacific Fleet to rush into Port Arthur.

General Gripenberger readily accepted the order and launched an attack on the Japanese forces at Heigoutai on the night of February 21, defeating the unprepared Japanese troops. He then began his attack on Shendanbao. However, during the day on the 22nd, the First and Third Armies did not assist the Second Army in launching any supporting offensives. The 2 Japanese cavalry stationed at Shendanbao, led by Akiyama Yoshifuru, held off the attack of 3.5 troops led by Lieutenant General George Steinberg.

Akiyama Yoshifuru's troops persisted, giving the Japanese an opportunity to adjust their battle lines. As the Japanese sent reinforcements to counterattack Heigoutai and relieve Shendanbao, the Russian Second Army and the Japanese forces facing them became locked in a stalemate. On the morning of the 24th, Kuropatkin ordered Admiral Gripenberger to retreat because he had just received news that the main force of the Second Pacific Fleet, led by Rozhestvensky, had been attacked by the Japanese, and the navy could no longer provide them with any assistance.

Gripenberger and Steinberg, commander of the First Siberian Army, both opposed the retreat order. They believed that the Japanese forces on the other side numbered no more than 50,000 or 60,000, while the Second Army had more than 80,000. Even without naval support, a war of attrition would be advantageous to their side.

The two generals telegraphed Kuropatkin against retreating and again requested him to urge the First and Third Armies to launch an offensive to prevent the Japanese from drawing troops from other directions to reinforce the Heigoutai line. However, the commanders of the First and Third Armies, Generals Lenavich and Kaulbas, were unwilling to support General Gripenberger and even believed that the current nighttime temperature of minus 10 degrees Celsius was not suitable for launching a large-scale battle.

The two generals may have had some personal motives, but their concerns were not unreasonable. Although the Russians adapted to the cold weather, this adaptation was based on the premise of having sufficient supplies, not on demonstrating their ability to withstand the cold when they lacked food and clothing.

According to regulations established by the Russian General Staff, the daily rations for Russian soldiers consist of: 750 grams of black bread, 30 grams of high-quality butter, 10 grams of sugar, 10 grams of salt, one packet of tea, one bag of cream chocolate, and 300 grams of canned beef. However, in reality, apart from the black bread and salt, the other supplies only exist on paper.

At this time, the Russian army was still under the conscription system established in 1874. Soldiers received only 2 rubles and 10 kopeks a year, which meant that the farther they were from their hometown, the more expenses they had to pay on the road. In order to raise money for food on the road, some soldiers even sold their underwear and leather boots.

This is why, when the partial mobilization orders for the Far East War crossed the Ural Mountains, the proportion of people resisting conscription began to rise steadily. In Siberia, the number of people who disobeyed conscription orders was only about 2%, but in Europe it rose to 6-8%; this was also an important reason why 8000 Japanese cavalrymen were able to hold off an attack by 3.5 Russian troops, because the morale of the Russian soldiers was extremely low.

Gripenberger believed that the Russian and Japanese armies could be at war of attrition because he had only been in Manchuria for a few days and thought it was an ordinary foreign war. After all, most of Russia's wars were fought in Europe, and the Russian army, backed by the grain reserves of southern Russia and Ukraine, didn't have to worry about food and clothing shortages. However, Generals Lenavich and Kaulbas, who had been there longer than Gripenberger, were acutely aware of the Russian army's dire situation. While St. Petersburg was making every effort to transport troops and ammunition to Manchuria, they hadn't even considered how hundreds of thousands of Russian soldiers would survive there.

This is why, although the two men did not agree with Kuropatkin's avoidance of war ideology, they did not oppose it. Their men were already doing well just to hold their positions; sending soldiers, lacking food and clothing, to conduct field operations in such temperatures was tantamount to sending them to their deaths.

By noon on February 25, Kuropatkin had issued three orders, strictly ordering the Second Army to withdraw; the last order contained the phrase "military law is merciless"; the Second Army had no choice but to retreat, and that evening, Gripenberger telegraphed St. Petersburg to resign to Nicholas II.

On the 28th, Gripenberger left the army and refused to meet with Kuropatkin. This move caused a strong reaction in the army; even ordinary soldiers knew that there were disagreements among the senior generals, and various rumors and speculations began to circulate in the army, further disrupting morale within the Russian military.

St. Petersburg was at a loss regarding the series of problems erupting in the Far East. Nicholas II originally thought that recalling the Far East Governor-General Alekseev and letting Kuropatkin take command would salvage the situation, or at least maintain the stalemate needed for negotiations. With Rozhestvensky's main fleet arriving in Vietnam, they could then try to regain control of the sea with the Japanese navy.

However, the stable situation that St. Petersburg had hoped for did not materialize. Just a few days after Rozhestvensky arrived at Cam Ranh Bay, while St. Petersburg was still exchanging official correspondence with Paris and arguing about whether the Russian fleet had the right to station in Vietnamese ports, news broke that Rozhestvensky's fleet had been annihilated.

Soon, the French relayed news of how Rozhestvensky's fleet had been destroyed by the Japanese to St. Petersburg. On February 19, the French Governor-General of Indochina telegraphed Rozhestvensky's fleet, ordering them to refuel with coal and fresh water and leave the Vietnamese coast as soon as possible. However, that very night, the Russian fleet, anchored in Cam Ranh Bay, was attacked by Japanese destroyers.

A small island in Cam Ranh Bay's outer harbor divides the port into east and west exits. The east exit is smaller than the west exit. Unfamiliar with the terrain at night, the Japanese destroyer fleet's torpedoes caused little damage to the Russian warships anchored in the harbor; instead, they sank three merchant ships. However, Cam Ranh Bay is not a naval port, so the Russian warships were virtually powerless to retaliate against the Japanese destroyer fleet's attack.

Despite the surprise attack by the Japanese, Rozhestvensky still planned to wait until dawn to regroup the fleet and break out of Cam Ranh Bay. However, just as the Japanese destroyer fleet was retreating, the first-class cruiser "Admiral Nakhimov" and the battleship "Borodino" were attacked from within the harbor. A group of sea monsters pushed mines to attack the two warships closest to the shore.

The Admiral Nakhimov was severely damaged and ran aground, while the Borodino was lucky, suffering only a minor leak. Rozhestvensky had no choice but to order the ships to leave port separately and then regroup in Cam Ranh Bay. This was a disastrous decision, as the separate departures of the battleships meant that it would be difficult to concentrate their forces. Although the Russian ships successfully left Cam Ranh Bay, at dawn, the scattered Russian ships were surrounded and attacked by the Japanese First, Second, and Fourth Fleets waiting in the open sea.

Vice Admiral Rozhestvensky's flagship, the "King Suvorov," was the first to be spotted and sunk by the Japanese fleet, followed by the "Alexander III" and the "Borodino." Apart from the "Eagle" and "Oslyabya," which escaped the encirclement, the other seven capital ships and cruisers were either sunk, damaged, or captured by the Japanese Combined Fleet. The "Eagle" and "Oslyabya" were eventually disarmed in a neutral port, completely withdrawing from the battle.

Although the Russian Pacific Second Fleet still has more than 30 warships in the Second and Third Fleets, apart from 4 old capital ships, it no longer has the ability to pose any threat to the Japanese Combined Fleet.

Compared to the heavy losses suffered by the Russian fleet, the Japanese ships only suffered eight casualties, with none losing their combat capability. Therefore, when Togo Heihachiro reported to Tokyo, he was very calm, saying, "There is no significant difference in strength between the two fleets. I believe that the enemy's officers and crew are fighting for their country with great enthusiasm and fearlessness."

Chapter 451: Still Have to Fight

The defeat of the Second Pacific Fleet off Cam Ranh Bay sparked a new wave of protests in Russia. This time, the protesters were no longer just a small number of liberal intellectuals and activists among the workers; the protests became more widespread, and those who had previously remained silent in the middle joined the struggle against the Tsarist regime.

On March 3, Kaiser Wilhelm II of Germany sent a letter to Nicholas II, urging him to conclude a peace treaty. He sent the following telegram to the Tsar of Russia: "In terms of military strategy alone, the defeat at Cam Ranh Bay has extinguished all hope of turning the tide."

Now, the Japanese can unscrupulously supply reserve troops, weapons, ammunition, and supplies to Northeast China for the siege of Fengtian and Lushun. Without naval support, the Lushun fortress may not be able to withstand the attack for long. Whether the Russian army can turn the tide in the upcoming major battle is currently unpredictable…”

Wilhelm II's telegram to Tsar Nicholas II at this time once again demonstrated the chaos in German diplomacy and Wilhelm II's inability to distinguish between personal feelings and national interests.